Free Speech

Leadership and Responsibility

2009-09-03T06:00:00.000Z

First of all I would want to see the NPP family not discouraging divergent or dissenting voices within the home. We must all remain steadfast in tolerance- that hallowed doctrine which weeds the path of a free, principled and liberal society. The truth is that ever since the NPP lost power (or gave away power on a silver platter), any attempt to make inputs into the parties internal affairs has been hushed down by some party faithful, fearing that such inputs will bring "divisions and factionalism".

I know I have always been spot-on on issues. After all, why must I belong to NPP, a party that upholds internal democracy and also listens to critical voices and pens within? The Akans have an adage which says that when you see a bad thing in-between the thighs of your mother, it is not wrong for you to take it away with your "Moses Rod".

On my topic for today, I wish to say the best thing that ever happened to me is joining a group that share ideas on many issues. One of the issues discussed was leadership and responsibility vis-à-vis Ex-President Kufour’s statement that he was not responsible for NPP's loss of the last election. The arguments were varied.

It seems fairly obvious that no one can reasonably blame the outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso personally or alone for the Liberal Democratic Parties (LDP's) historic defeat in the just-ended elections in Japan. There are no doubt multiple and diverse reasons and explanations why the Japanese decided to send the LDP into opposition; many of these reasons have a longer history than the tenure of the outgoing Prime Minister. Yet, as the man on whose watch the LDP suffered its defeat, outgoing Prime Minister Aso did the responsible, statesmanlike and politically-correct thing by accepting responsibility for the party's loss and apologising to the party faithful and the nation for the disappointment.

In our case, there is no doubt that the last elections were fought both on the 8-year record of Kufuor's Presidency and on the candidacy of Nana-Addo. In a sense, then, the 2008 elections were simultaneously a referendum on Kufuor's 8-year stewardship and a vote on the suitability or likability of Nana Akufo-Addo. Some would even argue that it was more the former than the latter, after all Nana-Addo campaign explicitly on a promise of "continuity"--on continuing and building upon the Kufuor record.

Why, then, would President J.A. Kufuor publicly disclaim any responsibility for the NPP's defeat at the polls? Ex-President J. A. Kufuor, speaking to Kwaku Sekyi-Addo on TV3’s Kweku-One-On-One last Sunday, said to the best of his knowledge, intent and ability, he did his best to ensure that Nana Akufo-Addo won the said elections but the results of the polls proved otherwise.

He explained that, “democracy is not always rational”, and in many instances, voters support a candidate or a party for reasons based on sentiments rather than logic. “I would tell you that as a person, I do not feel responsible for it at all; I did my best for my party and my candidate but if the people decide to vote otherwise, I cannot be responsible for that”, Kufuor added.

This is like Bush saying that he had no responsibility whatsoever for the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 United States elections. Sure, McCain was the candidate, and the quality of McCain's candidacy and his campaign cannot be absolved of some of the responsibility for his defeat. But, Sarah Palin and all of McCain's weaknesses notwithstanding, it would be rather odd to say the least, if Bush were to disclaim any responsibility for why the Republicans (not just McCain's Presidential bid) suffered a trouncing in November 2008 United States Elections.

Bush has been silent since the Republicans were defeated. Why? He is aware that he is despised by Americans of all political affiliation and there is no doubt that Bush will be remembered as one of the worst Presidents in the history of the United States. In fact he was a mediocre person with powerful supporters who used him as their front man to run the country, more aptly, to run the country into the ground.

If Kufuor cannot emulate the example of the outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Aso and accept his share of responsibility for the NPP's loss in 2008, and if he cannot maintain a statesman-like silence on this issue like Bush has done, then, for the sake of the NPP's internal unity and future prospects, he should not insist on his own piety thereby annoying the parties numerous supporters.

It seems obvious that President Kufuor cannot see himself as ever responsible for anything that happened to the NPP, other than the victory of the party in 2000 and 2004!

My Agenda for National Youth Organiser

2009-09-01T18:30:00.000Z

Article 14 (b) of the Constitution of the New Patriotic Party states:
"The National Youth Wing is a special organ within the Party which promotes the policies and Programmes of the Party amongst the Youth. Its responsibilities are to:

i ) Recruit the Youth into membership of the Party;

ii) Cultivate the support of the Youth for the Party before and during elections.

iii) Raise public awareness about the problems facing the Youth, including falling educational standards and widespread unemployment;

iv) Promote policies that will realise the full potential of the Youth, including policies to improve the quality of education and to widen access of the Youth to quality education;

v) Oppose vigorously policies and practices that militate against the full development of the Youth;

vi) Establish branches of the Party in Second cycle and Tertiary Institutions of learning in all parts of the country;

vii) Create a nation-wide organisation within the Party to cater for the activities and interest of Young members.

The National Youth Wing shall have rules and regulations to govern its activities, including the election of its officers, which shall not be inconsistent with this Constitution.

The National Youth Organiser shall be a member of the National Executive Committee".

It is in the light of this, I have resolved to take up the responsibilities of the National Youth Organiser of our beloved party.

My Vision for NPP Youth:
My Vision is to build a corps of dedicated NPP Youth made up of Professionals, Workers, Students, Unemployed and Underprivileged who standing together united in a common understanding of and faith in the principles of our Liberal Democratic Philosophy will work to catapult out Great Party to the lofty heights of national dominance.

The Youth of NPP are faced with a situation of disillusionment and apathy. After a long struggle in the political wilderness, hopes high that our momentous victories in 2000 and 2004 would dramatically change things for all of us. This was not the case. The future of the NPP depends largely on its youth who were robust and willing to support the party's growth but were not allowed.

I however have a strong faith in the theory of Future Preference which holds that the future can and must be better than the present and that we all have a responsibility in making it so. I also hold the view that the effective role of the youth of our party in national development in the future depends on our development today. There is therefore the need to build a party that will consider and involve its youth when it comes to decision making and implementation.

The abilities and potential of the youth to mobilize support and to offer intellectual and physical contributions to the party has always been underrated and not recognized. I am of the conviction that the youth wing of NPP requires special attention. The youth's understanding and commitment to democracy and the ideals of our party has the capacity to provide a dependable stream of supporters and also provide a solid line of defence against other political parties. There must be a wakeup call for the youth wing to redefine and also carve a new image for itself. It must be made stronger and vibrant. The National Youth Organizer Position requires dynamism and I believe I have the disposition and the appropriate aptitude for the Job.

John Boadu, the current National youth organizer is a pillar of the youth wing and has endeared himself to many of us because of his infusion of dynamism and organisational acumen. It therefore calls for somebody who can keep the flame burning. Our present state as youth of the party calls for fresh ideas and leadership action, I promise the youth of NPP leadership that will exude the confidence and conviction that success is possible and attainable.

I intend to work towards ensuring that the Youth of NPP cultivate a strong character and integrity to enable us to always defend the truth even if everyone is against us. I will urge NPP Youth to continue to render selfless service to the party and also dream big and work out their dreams with determination, persistence and courage.

Although we the Youth of NPP are said to be inexperienced, I have a strong conviction we are full of enthusiasm, energy, freshness, excitement, adventure and new ideas. Since the old will not be there for the near future to take the mantle of leadership, there is every justification for we the Youth to develop our capabilities through leadership.

Objectives 2010-2012:

Organize the youth wing into an efficient and effective grassroots campaign machine for the party by January 2012. Transform the NPP wing into a creditable and formidable movement for national development through personal development. The main vehicle for the fulfilment of the above objectives will be the following.

Youth Canters:

Youth canters will initially be created at all regional capitals and eventually constituency centres. These will be the focal points for NPP youth activity.

We will call upon members to donate old computers, old office equipment, old personal development books, political books games, old furniture and premises. In consonance with our liberal democratic principles of self-help, we will depend on ourselves for the resource we need for our programmes.

Training:

We will depend on volunteers within the party to help train ourselves. We believe that in our ranks (ages, 18-40 years old) exist Professionals, Students and Workers possessing a wide array of skills and abilities. We will appeal to the volunteer spirit of our own members to provide the expertise to train competencies in order to know whom to call for what voluntary service when areas i.e. Political Development and personal development.

Membership Drive:

We will immediately embark on a membership drive to boost our numbers. This will be initially focused on the tertiary institutions and later expanded to work places, market, farms and business. We will prepare communication materials and lead our members to demarcate areas into campaign territories and train them to plan and execute membership recruitment calls, overcoming predictable objectives from and house-to-house, room-to-room and person-to-person.

I will take steps to motivate and encourage people to join the Party. I will look for sponsors to pay for membership cards of newly recruited Youth the next four months on my assumption of office. This will surely attract more Youth to join.

Youth and Ministry of Youth when Party is in government:
I will work to link up the Youth of our party and the Ministry through the Minister of Youth who should be recommended by the National Youth Wing. This will help to effectively tackle the yawning gap between the Party and the government when our party was in government.

Political Communication:

The youth will be required to play a pivotal role in informing and educating the electorate about our policies and plans. To this end, the youth of our party will be trained and nurtured in the liberal democratic policies of the NPP. This crop of NPP youth schooled in our philosophy and traditions will be those that will comb every village and town explaining and sharing with the electorate at the grassroots level of the NPP Government plans, policies and programmes. At the Regional and Constituency level we will seek to provide trained volunteers from among our ranks to prosecute the campaigns for both Parliamentary and Presidential candidate.

Electoral Training:

Elections are won or lost on poling day. We will ensure that our polling executives are trained and empowered to effectively monitor polling to ensure victory.

Supervision:

Regional, constituency and Polling Station Youth Organisers will be supervised and appraised. This is crucial in monitoring and evaluating their performance.

Personal leadership Training:

We will train our members in basic principles of personal leadership, time management, personal planning, and self- motivation. Our aim is to create individual exemplary skills and attitude most suited to the task of nation development.

Once more we will draw on the experience, expertise and commitment of our own members and seniors to help inculcate in us the principles of self-help, social service, social responsibility and discipline that are indeed the intangible pre-requisites of rapid national development.

Recruitment and Placements Services:

We will offer Recruitment and placement services. In order to do this we will maintain a database of member’s skills and capabilities. This will allow us to match them with available job opportunities, a service that would be beneficial to the public sector, private sector and our own youth. We will train and equip our youth with the proper attitudes and work ethics to provide superior service to employers and shape the attitudes of our work force.

Affiliations (Local and International)

We will work to develop partnership with youth wings of local youth organizations that are both partisan and non-partisan. At the moment the partnership with groups and organizations such as the National Union of Ghana student’s (NUGS), The Federation of Youth Organizations in Ghana (FEDYAG), The Youth Network for Human Right and Democracy (YOU-NET), Tomorrow Leaders Ghana (TLG), and others not strong enough.

We exist in a global village and would therefore strengthen ties with our existing international affiliates such as the Organization of Africa Liberal Youth (OALY), the Swedish International Liberal Centre (SILC), and The International Academy for Leadership (IAL) of Germany and in addition explore networking opportunities with order international organizations who share in our liberal democratic philosophy.

The Power of Choice

2009-09-01T06:00:00.003Z

I would like to thank all those who have expressed concerns about my feature "Why was Alan against Electoral Expansion"-- pro and con alike. And also, those who responded with phone calls and personal e-mails. I have found it expedient to make my position clear on the crusade on which I have embarked. It is my fervent hope, that, after this piece, those who hope to slow down or accelerate my moves, will understand that I am focused on what I have set out to accomplish, and that burning drive cannot be impacted one way or the other.

All the talk about abstract UNITY is completely misplaced. You unite behind an entity. I don't think there is a single soul in our party who does not believe at some point we have to bury our differences and shred the Umbrella into bits. But realistically, could this be the time? Anytime there are multiple entities with one and only one possible outcome, choice with its concomitant conflict is inevitable. Unless in a Utopian society, which there is none on this earth, anytime human beings are confronted with choice, unity becomes the sacrificial lamb. On the flip side, when there is choice and unity in the same system, REASON is usually victimized. Remember, “There is no remission of sin without the shedding of blood (Hebrews. 9: 22). "If you stand against something, something will stand against you."

The above logic has very deep theological ramifications. God, in his infinite wisdom, created man and gave him free will. Therefore, choice is man's inalienable right, and no one can force anyone to give it up. God, through his pre-determinate counsel and foreknowledge, gave man the choice to worship him or not. Almighty God could have created humans as robots, so that they would be at his beck and call, but he did not. God chose to give man the freedom to choose, though the choice comes with consequences.

I have always been amazed when I see human beings trying very hard to deny themselves and others their God-given right, choice. It is just impossible. My friend, if you are afraid to choose, then you are in the wrong world. You were born to choose. Or should I say, born to win, as Jimmy Cliff sang during our hay days. But you must choose to win. Yes, you might choose and loose, but if you do not choose at all, then you would not have any chance of winning. I have never heard of anyone who won the lottery without staking.

However, everyone has the right under the sun to be a robot, and that is very fine with me but for heaven’s sake, let us not use coercion and intimidation to get others to do likewise. Whether we like it or not, the NPP at this moment is confronted with choosing a flag bearer for 2012, and this has expectedly developed inter camp skirmishes. From time immemorial, conflict has existed in this world when choice is presented. There was a conflict between Lucifer and God, which culminated in Satan being defeated on Calvary some two thousand years ago.

The point I am trying to make is, we can multitask by working together on the broader agenda of the party and at the same time pursue our parochial agenda of having our preferred candidates nominated. And this is something with which no astute politician will argue. All this talk about vacuous unity smacks of insincerity and crass hypocrisy. For those who do not have any preference, it is a perfect time, but for those who have deep-seated preference for a particular candidate, all these talks about unity are mere smokescreen.

In all developed democracies, this period is very critical because the essence of election is to have the best person lead. Therefore, this is the time to place the contestants under the electron microscope to elucidate attributes that may help or discredit the country. One can never accomplish this task without incurring the displeasure of the opposing side. But that is fair. I do not expect that if I am supporting candidate X, supporters of candidate Y, will come to me and put him down. Come on! This is real world. And disagreeing on issues should not make us enemies. Maturity, after all, is that stage of life when we may not see eye-to-eye but we can walk arm-in-arm?

Friends, I will be back very soon, but before I sign off let me share with you a short poem by Pastor Martin Niemoller, a German anti-Nazi activist, who highlighted the evil of apathy, following the Nazi rise to power and the purging of their targets, group after group. "First, they came for the communists, and I did not speak up because I was not a communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak up, because I was not a Jew. Then they came for the Catholics, and I did not speak up, because I was a protestant. Then they came for me, and by that time there was no one left to speak up for me".

Finally, my interest in the NPP (Danquah-Dombo-Busia tradition) is because primarily the party and tradition allows one to express one’s self in a fashion that supports his basic Principles. I have a feeling we should depart from these principles.

The cause endures!!!

My Black Thursday On Asempa 94.7 fm

2009-08-31T06:00:00.001Z

Thursday 27th August will forever remain one of the saddest days in my life. It was a day I had a brawl with Michael Ampong another NPP activist in the studios of Asempa FM. I wish the incident never happened.

It all started when I responded to the invitation of Asempa to throw more light on a feature I had written after the NPP Constitutional Amendments. I initially turned down the invitation and instead opted to discuss the issue on phone. I was however told another topic to be discussed was 'Why the NDC will be a one term government' and this convinced me since I was much interested in the second topic. At the studios I actually summarised the feature and when it was the turn of Michael Ampong, he accused me of the having a penchant for writing divisive and insulting features.

I came in to explain that features are opinions and their interpretation and analysis are usually left to readers. I also explained it has been my style to be critical of certain issues in NPP so they could be fixed.

I then reminded Ampong that if he says my feature is insulting then he is a worse victim because he once rained naked insults on Nana Akufo Addo.

It will be recalled that Ampong as National Campaign Coordinator for Mr. Alan Kyerematen was reported to have said Ghana will be plunged into chaos should the New Patriotic Party (NPP) delegates consider Nana Addo Danquah Akufo-Addo for the flagbearership slot of the party and eventually elected president.

According to the Chronicle story of 7th December 2007, Ampong said Akufo-Addo was arrogant, temperamental and hot-headed for the number one job of the land, the Presidency, and therefore, it will be suicidal for the NPP to parade him as its presidential candidate.

"We are at risk, if we should elect Nana Akufo-Addo and present him as our candidate" he was reported to have said at 'Hello', a Kumasi based Radio station. He however later denied the Chronicle report.

In the course of my submission, Ampong flared up and used words like "stupid", "idiot", "you are a disgrace to NPP", ”where do you come from" on air. He also used ethnically charged words that are unprintable when we were off air. On top of all these insults, he held my shirt when I decided to leave the Studio. It was at that moment I punched him resulting in the brawl.

I need to clarify the many misconceptions and interpretations to the problem; The issue was not about perceived support for certain leading members in the NPP; It did not happen because we aspire to same position in the party; We were not there to discuss factionalism in the NPP and it did not happen because of pent-feelings from my side.

I have also heard people say I am just seeking attention negatively in the light of my desperation to holding a National office, I wish to say that is totally false and unfounded. What attention do I need after holding so many positions including General Secretary of the National Union of Ghana Student NUGS).

As to my being an NDC mole in NPP, I just laughed it off. I am a thorough-bred NPP boy and my records in NPP are well documented. I come from a staunch Danquah-Busia family. My grandfather Mr Braimah Salifu was a unflinching member of the Northern Peoples Party (NPP) and later the United Party (UP).

My father Alhaji Mahama Salifu, who is a pillar of the Danguah-Busia-Dombo Political Tradition in Gonjaland and Northern Region, served as Youth leader of the Progress Party (PP) from 1969 to 1972. He was commended by K.A. Busia for his hard work and financial support to the PP after the party won the Bole (then Gonja West) seat in 1969. My father later became Leader of the Popular Front Party (PFP) in 1979 and later Chairman, New Patriotic Party (NPP) from 1992 to 2007 and then retiring from active politics as a result of ill-health.

I wish to say that I joined the NPP in its formative stage and have diligently served the party in various capacities. At age seventeen, I was the youngest delegate at the congress that elected the late Professor Albert Adu Boahen Presidential candidate.

I have occupied several positions both in school and outside school for the NPP. I was Secretary-NPP Youth Wing on Campus, TI Ahmadiyya Secondary School-Kumasi and leader NPP Branch on Campus, N.J. Ahmadiyya Teacher Training College Wa. In 2000 I was appointed a member of the Campaign Committee for the Bole-Bamboi Constituency.
After the 2000 election, I became Secretary of NPP for the Bole-Bamboi constituency.

I wish at this juncture to thank all those who have expressed worry over the issue. I have received many mails, calls and have been invited by many people to discuss many issues. I also thank Gabby Asare Otchere Darko for being the first to invite the two us to a meeting to thrash out the problem. At the meeting Michael Ampong agreed he went wrong somewhere and I also agreed I went wrong somewhere. We later apologised to all listeners on that day and all NPP members on the same platform (Asempa) on Friday-a day after the incident.

At an NPP Communication Committee meeting (of which both of us are members) we repeated the same apologies and promised it will never happen again. We also promised to work for the Unity and Cohesion of the NPP and also resolved to channel our energy, fighting spirit and intelligence to fighting the NDC.

An important NPP Constitutional Amendment Proposal that was not carried.

2009-08-27T06:00:00.003Z

One of the best NPP Constitutional Amendment Proposal that was not carried was the provision on Party-Government Relations. The provision which came from the Greater Accra Regional Secretariat of the NPP was meant to ensure a better NPP party-government relationship when the party is in power. It would have been the best thing to happen to the party.

The NPP rank and file believe that institutionalizing the process of selection people for appointment by an NPP president will ensure the following, among other things: Help define a supreme interest, reduce sycophancy, avoid personality worship, motivate members, get members to rise above personalities and unite in purpose, redistribute resources, both human and financial, to the constituencies and the polling stations, ensure year round activities and a massive win in 20012 and beyond.

The NPP party recognizes that, under the national constitution, it is the President's prerogative to appoint. The proposal did not seek to usurp the President’s prerogative or tie his hands, but only to set forth a consultative framework between the NPP party and the NPP Government to ensure an equitable and fair distribution of well qualified people to political positions when the party is in power.

Proposal:

When an NPP Flag bearer or running mate is subsequently elected as President, he or she shall appoint the following positions in close consultation with the National Executive Committee, who shall be required to clear the political appointees among them with their respective constituencies (Working closely with the relevant polling station(s) and Regional Executive Committee).

1. All nominees for Ministerial positions

2. All government allocated director or similar positions on corporate boards with government shareholding and/or State Enterprise Corporations; Chief Executive Officer or similar positions in corporations. For the voidance of doubt, such representation shall be on each such Corporate Board or State Enterprise Corporation;

3. All Ambassadorial positions.

The NPP Constituency and Regional parties may from time to time recommend known and active members of the party in the constituencies and the region to the National Executive Committee for consideration as government officials to ensure a fair and equitable distribution of ministerial. Ambassadorial and Corporate Board Appointments.

The Flag bearer shall accept the recommendations of the NPP Constituencies to appoint and remove officials from the following positions:

4. 100% of all District, Municipal and Metropolitan Chief Executive Positions. The recommendations for DCES and MCES shall be based on selections by the Constit0uency Executive Committees, in the assembly with their respective polling station executives of the relevant constituencies, and in close consultation with their regional steering committee;

5. 100% of all Regional Ministerial Positions. The recommendations for Regional Ministerial positions shall be based on selection by relevant Regional executive committees.

It is simply unfortunate this provision did not see the light of the day.

Why Was Alan Against Electoral Expansion?

2009-08-26T06:00:00.009Z

Let me begin this piece by posing two rhetorical questions as a foundation.

(1) How can a candidate who campaigned against my right to vote now come to me and ask for my vote?

(2) How can a confident aspiring Presidential candidate work against having his own popularity tested by a much larger number of the electorate within his own party?

Saturday, August 22 was indeed a historical day in the annals of Ghana’s Fourth Republic.

It was the day of the ‘R Convention 09’ – Reflect, Rebuild, and Recapture 2012 of Ghana’s largest opposition party, which lost power last December. The 46 or so constitutional amendments passed by the New Patriotic Party were by far the most far reaching reforms since the party was formed 17 years ago. Before then, we were told how the most ‘controversial’ proposal (expansion of the electoral college) was threatening to split the party. Our detractors were hoping to see an all-out punch-up at the Trade Fair Centre, La.

Alas, what they got was nothing more than a decibel higher than the usual heckling that greets the State of the Nation address when delivered by the President of the Republic. Where from all the doomsday predictions? Well, in one corner of the ring, former President J. A. Kufuor was known to be irrevocably against the extension of the franchise to the foot soldiers. In the other corner, former presidential candidate Nana Akufo-Addo was also seen to be proactively fighting for the expansion. It was seen as a referendum on the popularity of President Kufuor and his protégé on one hand and Nana Akufo-Addo on the other. So once the two camps were not on one side with the reforms all hell should break loose.

What people forgot to appreciate was that it was rather the anti-expansionists, however loud and resourceful, who were sailing against the wind of change. The expansion before it was passed enjoyed the support of an overwhelming majority of the party from top to bottom. Both the National Executive Committee and the National Council of the party endorsed the reforms, rationalised the proposals and sent the national officers out there to market it to the party in the country. The Minority in Parliament, by consensus, endorsed the amendments, including the expansion of the electoral colleges and the short listing of presidential aspirants. Without a doubt, the proposal to grant all 105,000 polling station executives of the party the right to choose who leads the party was the most popular move ever proposed since the NPP Constitution was promulgated in 1992.

What has been baffling, however, is the political (mis)calculation of one man who is seen as a prospective leader of the NPP. The kind of self-serving hypocrisy exhibited by Mr Alan Kwadjo Kyeramaten, the runner up of the 2007 presidential primaries of the NPP, cannot be ignored and should not be ignored. He has shot himself in the foot and by so doing exposed the quality and depth of his leadership credentials. A leader is one who is able to show leadership and direction in times of taking critical decisions that affect the destiny of his flock. A leader takes a position when there are tough decisions to take. Tony Blair ditched Clause IV of the Labour Party constitution (which committed the party to re-nationalisation of privatised states assets) and ended the supremacy of the party conference, just like that of the NPP National Congress. While that Blair move brought the Labour Party of Britain closer to the middle classes, who form the majority of UK voters, the reforms by the Mac Manu-chaired NPP will empower the foot-soldiers of the party, among other things. So why then would a prospective leader, of even a younger generation than Kufuor and Akufo-Addo argue against the most far-reaching of the reforms, the expansion?

I find it most curious that Alan purportedly spoke at the crucial National Council meeting of April 29 for the expansion of the electoral college but chose to keep mute all throughout the heated campaign to win more souls for the amendment. Was it not the same Alan who in 2007 had drawn on paper a strategy called 'Kalamari' which was a campaign strategy to court the Polling Station Executives who in theory had the power to vote for the six of the 10 delegates for the National Congress? When John Kumah, an aid and spokesperson of Alan was interviewed by the media one week before the R Convention ’09, he said Alan had not made up his mind on whether to support the expansion or not. He repeated this until the last day. Mr Kumah even went as far as criticising those who were for the amendment and their campaign tactics. “If they are so confident of victory why are they giving delegates money,” he recklessly alleged on radio, four days before the conference.

Now, the hypocrisy comes in. The same John Kumah told journalists shortly after the anti-expansionist were defeated that Alan was excited about the decision to expand the electoral college and that Alan had “always held the view that, the expansion of the electoral college would help to revive grassroots participation and restore hope and confidence in the NPP.” He also claimed that Alan was the first aspirant who involved polling stations in his campaign even when they were not allowed to vote at conferences and congresses of the party. The Independent newspaper on Monday, August 24, portrayed Alan as a man for the foot-soldiers.

This was followed on Tuesday by a publication in a newspaper that did a lot of PR for Alan in the 2007 flag-bearership contest, The Daily Dispatch, which put Alan and Akufo-Addo on one side as those who were for the expansion and President Kufuor and Hon Isaac Osei, MP for Subin, as those who lost out. Well, at least, Isaac Osei was principled and brave enough to come out a week before the conference to announce on Metro TV’s Good Evening Ghana that, yes, he was interested in contesting and, no, he didn’t’ think the expansion was equitable enough to be passed. Nana Akufo-Addo also granted interviews to express his support for the expansion.

While Nana Akufo-Addo and Isaac Osei came out to state their positions publicly and actively participated in the discussions and campaign to accept or reject the amendment proposals, Alan Kyeramaten decided to stay mute and hope for a win-win situation. Meaning if the amendments were rejected he wins and now that they have been accepted he can also claim victory. But, the reality was so glaring to be buried by any post-expansion PR exercise. Alan used his presidential campaign machinery to campaign against the proposal to extend the franchise to NPP polling station executives. The people who are leading Alan’s presidential bid today were the same people who were at the forefront of the campaign against the expansion. Paul Afoko and Mohammed Amin Anta (former Tamale MCE) were at the three Northern Regions campaigning against the amendments. In the Volta Region, Kenwood Nuworsu (NPP Regional Chairman) was very instrumental in working against the amendment. In the Ashanti Region, Yaw Amankwa (Regional Chairman), Asare Bediako (Asokwa Chairman) and Nana Adu Asabre (Asante Akim South Chairman), all strong Alan loyalists were going around campaigning against the reforms using the same chat-up lines.

Kwabena Agyepong who is effectively running Alan’s campaign now was the loudest of them all in the few days before the R Convention. On television and radio and assisted by Kwadwo Mpianim, Kwabena Sarpong, Hilda Addo, Frank Agyekum, Frimpong Manso Adakabre and others were effectively pushing the anti-expansion campaign. Kofi Jumah who is leading Alan’s Campaign in Parliament, alongside Dr Richard Anane, were also relentless in their campaign to maintain the status quo. So how hypocritical can Alan get to be now seeking to claim that he was always for the expansion?

Does Alan truly underestimate the intelligence of NPP rank and file? Why did he not also stand up to be counted when the likes of Akufo-Addo, Osafo Marfo, Dan Botwe, Hackman Owusu Agyeman, and O B Amoah stood up like men of conviction? Why did he not identify himself with the expansionists? Clearly, he was against it but was too afraid to stick out his neck so he sent out his ‘men’ to do his bidding for him. But, the most serious question is the one that borders on conviction. Why did Alan make such a radical u-turn to join the anti-expansionists? Was it because President Kufuor asked him to? And, if so, what does that make Alan to Kufuor’s whims and caprices?

It is recalled that President Kufiuor was not in town when the NEC and National Council were holding those crucial meetings at the end of April. He was out on a World Bank assignment. But, when he came back he made his views very clear to the parliamentary caucus of the NPP and to that leaked meeting that took place at his house, attended by both Alan and Akufo-Addo, among others like Kwabena Agyepong and Boniface Siddique. So, if Alan changed his mind because of President Kufuor what is it that President Kufuor revealed to him that was so convincing? I would want to argue that Alan's change of mind could not have been based on any principle or conviction. It was either based on his willingness to do the former President’s bidding or a persuasive argument that an expanded electoral college would not serve his political interest. I believe the last thing the NPP need is unprincipled leadership and leadership without conviction.

After making the case for the amendment, Alan turned around against the amendment because Kufour was against the amendment? What does that make him? An instrument of Kufour or an instrument of the party he wants to lead? But, I am inclined to be charitable and argue that President Kufuor managed to convince Alan that his only chance to win the flagbearership was to maintain the status quo and see how he could influence the majority of the 2340 delegates. But, to risk competing against the much marketed Akufo-Addo for the votes of over 115,000 delegates would be suicidal.

For those who fear that the NPP is being eaten away by factionalism, they should not worry. What the results of the R Convention show is that Alan and Kufuor are not in tune with the pause of the party. By going against the expansion Alan himself has admitted that he is not popular enough to win in a contest against Akufo-Addo. And, by going against the expansion he has made his case worse. It may have been a little different if he had gone with the expansion and associated himself with the party’s foot soldiers.

It simply does not make sense spending money to stage an expansive campaign, the loss of which would nail the coffin of your presidential ambition. It would be a campaign which would be negative, with the Akufo-Addo camp exposing Alan’s anti-expansionism and questioning his commitment to the party he resigned from. Alan’s team, faced with an overwhelming rank and file call for ‘no change’ would be forced to mount a negative, dirty campaign on Akufo-Addo which would also just throw cheap ammunition to the NDC. In fact the NDC would circulate dirty text messages to get NPP to knock heads together.

I believe Alan cannot lose for the second time in a contest that every objective observer knows he cannot win and expect to be taken seriously by the party or to remain relevant in it. It would be a suicidal mission. To me Alan should learn from the 2004 situation. The Kufuor camp expected Akufo-Addo to contest J.A. Kufour, but he refused, bid his time and years later came back strongly to win. If Alan does not contest now and throw his support behind Akufo-Addo, it would make him the ultimate successor.

Already he did the unthinkable by resigning from the NPP and I once argued technically he was disqualified. Because of Alan, a full amendment has been inserted into the constitution to clarify resignations in the NPP. It states; "A member (of NPP) shall cease to be a member by writing and signing a letter addressed to his or her constituency chairperson declaring his or her intention to cease to be a member and forthwith surrendering his or her membership card". Previously the provision on resignation stated; "A member (of NPP) shall cease to be a member by declaring his or her intention to cease to be a member and forthwith surrendering his or her membership card.”

My advice to Alan is that he should not contest the 2010 Presidential Primaries of NPP. If he did, that popularity he and his cabal claim he allegedly commands would be shamefully exposed. Alan (by allowing himself to be influenced by President Kufuor on the expansion) has only succeeded in strengthening Nana Akufo-Addo's standing, clout and influence within the NPP.

So is he now going to change his campaign team or use the same anti-expansionist ringleaders like Kwabena Agyepong to go around the country canvassing delegates’ votes for him? The only person among them who has come out as principled, courageous and loyal to the party is Amin Anta. He spoke his mind at the conference despite the heckling and jeering and immediately after the dye was cast, he came out to publicly support the majority decision. The NPP must focus on such principled men.

Alan's decision to stage a proxy campaign with his campaign team against the expansion has killed off his presidential ambition so far as this expanded electoral college is concerned. It has exposed him as an unprincipled hypocrite. The 115,000 vote question now is: how do you go to the same person you fought against having a vote to now give you his vote? It would be like telling him “I do not think you are good enough to have a vote, but please can I have your vote?” This is not a comfortable position for a man of ambition.

Ex-President John Kofi Agyekum Kufuor must be Stopped!

2009-08-24T06:00:00.001Z

The name of the J.A Kufour will no doubt feature prominently when the history of the Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition is written. Ex-President Kufuor undoubtedly is the most successful leader of the UP tradition but not the most popular. His rejection of the NPP constitutional amendments is tantamount to putting his popularity to test once again, and it is clear that majority of the NPP executives at the Polling Station, Constituency and Regional level will go against him. I believe delegates to the NPP Delegates Conference will surely rebuff Ex-President J.A Kufuor by approving all the proposed amendments.

I wonder why the Ex-President is vehemently opposing the proposed expansion of the party’s Electoral College to give the party supporters
grassroots participation in the nomination of its candidates for various elections. But right from the day after the Ex-President's stance was made public, after the infamous meeting in his house to discuss the party's future with some party leaders, the overwhelming majority of the party stakeholders view this stance with suspicion. Their suspicion of the Ex-President is well placed. How can they forget the role he played in various elections within the party over the years? .

The agitation for the NPP constitutional Amendments did not start with the current Executive as some party members were told. It started long ago. At Cape-Coast in 2003 some amendments were done but the issue of the expansion of the electoral college was deferred. There was broad consensus that took place before the current proposals were put together. The proposals came from various sections of the party home and abroad, including NPP’s grassroots organisation. Members of the National Executive, National Council, and Minority caucus by consensus unanimously endorsed the amendments. In fact many groups within the party and individual members including me sent inputs.

Ex-President Kufour's attempt to torpedo the amendments is ill-timed, ill-advised, miscalculated and simply uncalled for. He does not understand the pulse of the grass roots. Even after signs are clear that the anti-expansionist are fighting a lost course, his Special Assistant Frank Agyekum still went ahead to tell the whole world Kufour was against the expansion of the electoral college.

And this was even after some groups of polling station executives demonstrated at the NPP headquarters coupled with similar agitations across the country to get the NPP delegates to fully endorse the proposals.

I am of the opinion that Ex-President Kufour should have lent a lesson because starting from 2005, he has always taken sides on many issues especially elections within the NPP. He took sides in the 2005 National Executive Elections and got serious bruises after all but one of the people he supported won.

During the Party’s Presidential primaries, Kufour who was supposed to be a father to all the aspirants contesting the flag bearer position chose to throw his immense political and financial weight behind Alan Kyeremateng. This singular act, proved fatal to the aspiration of the Party from which it has never recovered. This ill-advised decision has, probably, caused an irreparable fragmentation within the party. Thanks to Kufour the Party now has Alan and Nana camps respectively, a situation that could have been avoided. Now that Kufour has been humiliated beyond description as one activist put it, I hope he will learn to remain neutral in future elections within the NPP.

With all due respect, Ex-President Kufour should be told the party would no longer allow him to dictate to it. It is now crystal clear to all that Kufour is only seeking his legacy and not the success of the Party. He has served his time and must move on if he has nothing positive to offer the Party. This Party made him what he is today. Party people toiled and sacrificed to make Kufuor bear the title, "His Excellency the President".

Kufour will only succeed in strengthening Nana Akufo-Addo's standing, clout and influence within the NPP if the amendment proposals are accepted.. Whereas he has kicked against the expansion of the electoral colleges with a mundane argument that what the NPP constitution needs enforcement and not amendment, Nana Akufo-Addo on the other hand has said the decision to get more than 115,000 people, including all polling station officers of the party to play a direct role in choosing the party’s leaders, as very much in line with the NPP tradition of deepening the democratic culture of the party. He also said a greater inclusion of the grass roots will strengthen the Party’s capacity to mobilise the people behind its programme.

A good politician is the one who is able to study, know and feel the pulse of the majority. Yes, the future of the Party belongs to the grassroots. This is the reason many of our party's leaders are for the amendments. The Party’s Electoral Colleges must be expanded.

Ex-President Kufuor indeed has every "right" to participate in the shaping of the future of the NPP, but it is clear he wants a stranglehold on the party even in retirement and that is what the delegates will reject. His perspectives and insights as to how the NPP should be runned has always been based on selfishness and ego.

He should have been aware by now that the Danquah-Donbo-Busia tradition is not the bona fide property of anybody and it is not for sale. Unlike the NDC which has a Founder, Owner and Sole Proprietor and ceremonial President, the NPP has no Founder and has no permanent leader. Ex-President Rawlings is always ranting and raving, beating and sacking people from the NDC because he made all the current NDC leaders what they are today. In fact there is no single member of NDC Rawlings did not make. He indeed plucked some from obscurity, groomed them and today they are playing various roles for the party.

For instance President Atta Mills was a nonentity in politics until Ex-President Rawlings appointed him Vice-President. Vice-President John Mahama was an unknown person until he was appointed Deputy Minister of Communication by Rawlings and that is how he came into limelight. This is not so in the NPP. Some members were even popular than J.A Kufour before he became President.

In fact Ex-President Kufour is so loathed by some NPP members that, a friend told me if Kufour had supported the amendments, he will have kick against them. The former Presidents mistakes were just too many and he continues to make them.

Mustapha Hamid once told me that Ex-President Kufuor in 2005 told him, the Hon. Isaac Asiamah, MP for Atwima Mponua and John Boadu the National Youth Organiser to wait until another President who will like them comes and reward them for their efforts? According to him, the ex-President said this on Thursday 12th May 2005 at about 4:30pm in his office at the Castle in the presence of the then National Chairman, Haruna Esseku and Kwadwo Mpiani his Chief of Staff after they went there to lobby for positions.

Why tell then hardworking Youth this?

The NDC has always worked to bridge the generation gap by including its Youth in the governance process of this country. The party believe the effective role of it's youth in national development in the future depends on their development today and has therefore always seen the need to build a party that would consider and involve it's youth when it comes to decision making. This is sharp contrast to the way Kufour handled the Youth of the NPP. He believed the Youth lack the capacity to engage in any meaningful decision making.

Also from day one of Kufour's rule, he divided the NPP into two. NPP gurus who played significant roles for the party but supported Nana Akufo-Addo during the 2008 Presidential Primaries were sidelined in terms of appointments when the party won in 2000. A few months after being sworn into office in 2001, Kufour brought down Alan Kyerematen from his high ambassadorial perch in the United States to supplant Dr. Kofi Konadu Apraku as Minister of Trade and Industry. The rumour then which later turned out to be true, was that Alan had been brought down to understudy and succeed the President when he finally bows out.

To compound his problems, some Ministers deemed unsympathetic were later either reshuffled or booted out and loyal but ineffective and incompetent ones brought in. Worse was to follow with the outright dismissal of some DCE's some of whom were not supporting the 'anointed candidate'.

Today the ruling NDC seem united because those who supported Obed Asamoah, Ekow Spio Gabrah and others and as a result said all sorts of things against Proffesor John Atta Mills have been given appointments based on their competence, loyalty, commitment and contribution to the NDC but not their contribution to Atta Mills' success during the NDC primaries that elected him as flag bearer.

Many NPP members believe Kufour has confirmed that he does not care about the party. At the conference grounds I overheard an NPP activist shout; "We shall continue to punish him. Yes, we shall punish him and anybody associated with his weird moves to impose unacceptable things and people on us. Our party as he well knows now is not for him, neither is it subservient to him".

Elections at the Polling Station, Constituency, Regional and National levels of the Party are will take place soon after the delegate’s conference and I would want to believe Ex-President Kufour will not repeat his same outlandish manoeuvres to get his cabal of self-centred opportunistic sycophants into executive positions. If he makes any such moves, we shall once again defy him in the names of Danquah, Dombo, Busia, Akufo- Addo(late), Jato Kaleo, Abayifa Karbo J.A Braimah, and of course many others some of whom sacrificed everything including their lives so as to get this Tradition where it is today.

Finally, Bill Clinton once said: "We should be remembered by the power of our example, rather than the example of our power".

NPP: Amendments are in the Supreme Interests of the Youth

2009-08-21T06:00:00.003Z

I have a strong conviction that the NPP Constitutional Amendment proposals are in the supreme interests of the Youth of New Patriotic Party.

Presently no group or special organ of the Party has its own rules and regulations. The amendments will make room for the Youth Wing of the Party to have its own rules and regulations to govern its activities, including the election of its officers, which shall not be inconsistent with the party's Constitution.

The situation where the Youth Organiser is elected by the same electoral college that elects the other National Executive do not serve the interest of the Youth since the old should not decide for the Youth. Presently those who constitute the Youth are not well defined by the NPP Constitution as people as old as 40 years regard themselves as Youth. The amendments will ensure the Youth wing is reorganised and the age limit for the Youth restricted to thirty five (35) years.

Although the Party's branches at the Tertiary Institutions have been serving the party in various ways, they are not recognised or given any role by the constitution. The amendments will ensure that the Party's branches at the Tertiary Institutions will be given much recognition since they will present delegates at various Conferences and Congress of the Party.

The idea of Young Patriots between ages 16 and 18 to be encouraged to identify with the Party towards preparing them for registration, membership of the Party and the voting at general elections will enable the party groom its next generation of leaders at every time.

Roots of Disunity in NPP Getting Firm?

2009-08-18T06:53:00.001Z

If the roots of disunity getting firm in the NPP are not immediately addressed, the party could be heading for serious problems in the run-up to the 2012 elections. In fact, it could lead to the break-up of the party. 2009 is a year of make or break for the NPP as it embarks on a series of reforms as well as elections at the Polling Station, Constituency, Regional and National levels.

The NPP constitutional amendment proposals are meant to bring about the desire of party members at the grass roots for change, modernisation and the general reform of the party's structures, organisation and operation. It is also aimed at ensuring that we have a unified party with a very good image, better organised, more disciplined and with effective mechanisms for resolving grievances and choosing the right candidates and leaders.

I believe the expansion of the electoral colleges for elections at all levels will prevent aspirants from manipulating delegates through financial and material means. It will also make room for representation from every nook and cranny of the country as well as a broad spectrum of the party's stakeholders. At the last Congress in 2007, there were situations in which husbands, wives, close family relations and cronies were selected as delegates at the detriment of hardworking party members.

The idea is also to add more delegates to the current pool in order to push the number to a more appreciable and respectable one, where it would be difficult for candidates to influence the voting patterns of delegates with money and other goodies and as well eliminate all inconveniences and risks involved in transporting delegates to a single town or city for a National Congress.

Aside all these, I also have a strong conviction that the amendments are in the supreme interests of the Party. The amendments will keep the grassroots of the party more vibrant and also ensure that potential office seekers work extremely hard at all levels of the Party especially at the grassroots. The amendments will also ensure that only true blue party men fill all positions from the Polling Station level to the National offices.

I am therefore surprised these constitutional amendment proposals have all of a sudden within the past few days taken a new twist. Presently some leading figures are being labelled as representing those who support the amendments and those who want the present arrangements retained. Whereas the maintenance of the status quo is rightly or wrongly attributed to ex-President John Agyekum Kufuor, the change advocates are believed rightly or wrongly to be the handiwork of Nana Akufo-Addo.

However, as one of my favourite writers put it; "There appears to be unconfirmed pointers as to the reasons for which such positions are attributed to the gentlemen mentioned above. According to him whereas the status quo advocates state categorically that President Kufuor won both NPP primaries and national elections using that system and therefore sees no reason why it should be changed, change advocates tend to reinforce the notion that the political dynamics of the NPP and by extension Ghana have changed to the extent that it would be foolhardy for anybody to rely on a structure erected for our immediate post-revolution era to be used for organising a party as democratically inclined as the NPP in its march towards the future".

I reason in line with Von Brazi that the NPP faces its greatest threat and challenge to its stability and cohesion because whereas the change advocates need two-thirds majority for their preference to be upheld, the status quo gurus only need a third of the valid votes cast to thwart the efforts of the change apparatchiks. Knowing the intricacies of internal NPP politics and the way issues of this nature usually play out, I dare say that the outcome of this particular struggle would be very dicey. Dicey because the change advocates appear to be prevaricating, not taking a strong, bold and decisive stance on their preference, perhaps in an ambitious attempt to maintain the delicate balance and cohesion of the party now that being in opposition is testing the loyalty, strength and commitment of the rank and file. Many people I personally know, and who vouched for the amendments have all of a sudden back tracked and are suddenly silent while some are calling for a stop to the amendments.

In fact the two main blocs within the party have resorted to divisive, surreptitious and unscrupulous tactics to win the support of delegates. One of such tactics is the use of text messages. For some time now, despicable and damaging text messages are being circulated to some NPP Executives and potential party delegates aimed at destroying each other. Two of such text messages being forwarded to delegates in the Ashanti Region and which the recipients allege are from the camp of Nana Akufo-Addo reads:

"Alan wants to split our party, but we are not going to allow him to do so- the Activists" and "Yaw Amankwa, Asare Bediato and Adu Asabre have collected GH100,000( 1 billion old Ghana Cedis) from J.A. Kufour to work against the amendments, they are crooks, vote for amendments". A widely circulated text messages which seeks to tarnish the image and reputation of Nana Akufo-Addo, the 2008 Flag bearer of the NPP was forwarded to me by a party executive reads;

"The NDC has naked pictures of Nana Addo with women in bed so don't push him for your personal interest. They have a picture of him smoking wee. Don't think that Ghanaians don't know that some of Nana's friends are drug people and also as NDC is now in government they can find faults of Nana during his tenure in office as Minister".

In fact there are other messages that are so unprintable that I will not dare present them for the reading public. Wild allegations and rumour continue to be peddled at the very lowest and highest circles within the party about how Nana Akufo-Addo misused funds for the 2008 campaign. The most worrying allegation is that ex-President J A Kufour personally handed $ 35 million to Nana Akufo-Addo for the campaign but the money was not used for its intended purpose.

Some of the stories going round as corroborated by Gabby Asare Otchere Darko are that, Nana Akufo-Addo used 3 million ]UK pounds ($5m) of campaign money to buy a property at Sloane Square, on the boundaries of the fashionable London districts of Knightsbridge, Belgravia and Chelsea. Other stories are that his brother Bumpty Akufo-Addo has bought a house at Mayfair, Central London and his cousin Gabby has also used campaign money to buy a mansion at Cantonments-Accra. There are numerous allegations against some family members and close allies of Akufo-Addo.

The latent danger and fear for the NPP is that these clandestine activities further polarizes and deepens the party's problems. I am tempted to agree that those who try to tarnish the reputations of others must always hold themselves in readiness for appropriate responses to their methods of operations only that in their unfortunate circumstances, they have no control over the timing, format or intensity of the appropriateness of the response that would be visited upon their unnecessary belligerence. Should it come to this, what would be the consequences to the NPP?

What is baffling to me is that, early this year there were reports that ex-President Kufour and Nana Akufo-Addo held a series of strategic meetings on the way forward for the party and top on the agenda of the meetings which had some top echelons of the party as well as close allies of the two leading NPP figures was how to keep the party united in opposition, strengthen its structures across the country and sharpen its arsenal to win back power in 2012. We were also told the two men also discussed among other issues how to avoid the kind of unhealthy fierce competition that bedevilled the party's primaries in 2007. In fact this news was hailed by the rank and file but the question is; What is the outcome of these talks and how has the party benefited from the unity talks?

One could only conclude that some of our party's leaders talk and present themselves in public as if they want unity but under the 'cover of darkness' do several negative things to cause more instability and division in the party.

What sort of party are we in?

Arguments against the creation of the proposed "Savannah Region" are flawed.

2009-08-01T06:00:00.001Z

Since my last feature on the creation of the proposed second region in the Northern Region, I have received various reactions on this issue. The positive comments are overwhelming but I would like to dwell on the arguments some advanced against the creation such a region.

There are those who have argued that the creation of a new region out of the Northern Region should be in the interest of all northerners and not seen as the agenda of any group of people. I reason in line with them. Gonjaland people are not agitating for an ethnic region. That is why they even suggested the region should be called Savannah Region but not "Gonja" or "Gonjaland "Region like the case of the Brong-Ahafo or Ashanti Regions.

Perhaps it would be useful for those who argue against the creation of a new region in the Northern Region to pause a while to reflect on the reasons why the then Upper Region clamoured for the partitioning of the region into what is now known as the Upper East and West Regions even though as that region was much smaller in terms of both size and population if compared to the Northern Region. The other ethnic groups have nothing to lose by if another region is created but on the contrary a lot to gain. It is a truism that without the tacit support of other ethnic groups in the Northern Region, such a request would be a mirage.

Others believe the issue should be discussed in close doors and under cover. I totally disagree with those who are of this opinion. We must publicly and frankly discuss the issue in order to get the merits and demerits. It is simply about development but nothing else. There is nothing mischievous about wanting people to know why the need for the "Savannah' Region.

People have asked why it should be the Yagbonwura (Traditional Ruler of Gonjaland) is the one who would petition Government to create a new region out of the northern region and that this suggests that the King is demanding a region to be created based on tribal lines. They also argue that the division should not be based on petitions from a single chief or demands from a tribe.

This is true but those who argue this way are not being fair to Gonjas. Before Regions like the Brong-Ahafo and Upper West were created, who petitioned Government? It’s obvious the Chiefs. In 2006, it was the Chiefs of the Northern Volta led by the President of the Volta Regional House of Chiefs, Togbe Gabusu with support from the Paramount Chief of Gbi Traditional Area, Togbe Agboka VI and the Paramount Chief of Leklebi Traditional Area that sent a fresh petition to Government requesting for the creation of a separate region in the northern part of Volta to be called "Oti Region".

In any case many Youth groups, Civil Society Organisations, Pressure Groups, Opinion leaders and Politicians (including the Vice-President of the Republic of Ghana) have come out to support the call for the proposed region to be carved out of the Northern Region

It must be explained that the people from Gonjaland comprise of autonomous ethnic groups like the Vagla, Safalba, Nchorba, Brifor, Lobi, Hanga, Tampulma, Mmara, Bartige, Mo, Pantra, Mibor, Norme, Nawuri and Nchumuru who are all privy to the petition. Our agitation should therefore not be misconstrued and misinterpreted as an ethnic group asking for a Region. Far from that! If not Gonjas would not be lobbying Nanumbas who have also been marginalised for far too long to join them in the agitation for a new region. The other ethnic groups that might fall on the geographical boundaries of the proposed region has nothing to lose if another region is created but on the contrary a lot to gain.

There is also this erroneous impression of the people of Gonjaland agitating for a region because they now have a Vice-President. A friend recently questioned me why we have become louder in our agitation for a region. He told me that the fact that the Vice- President is a Gonja is not a license to secure a region for Gonjas. My answer was simple; 'Our agitation for a region to be created from the present Northern Region started before John Mahama was born'. In fact there were several petitions from successive Yagbonwuras before John Mahama even thought of contesting as a Member of Parliament from the area.

One of the most ridiculous argument is the question of which of the towns in Gonjaland qualifies to be Municipal capital not to talk of a Regional Capital. Bawku was far bigger than Bolgatanga but Bolgatanga was chosen as capital of the then Upper Region by President Kwame Nrumah's government. Likewise Berekum was bigger than Sunyani but was chosen as the capital of the Brong-Ahafo Region by Nkrumah. Sometimes factors such as the volume of economic activities taking place in a town, the potential of a town to develop into a city and the strategic position of a town also adds to its advantages in becoming a Regional capital.

There is a strange argument that Gonjaland with a population of 440,976 in its Six Districts out of 1,820,806 for the Northern Region (as quoted by the 2000 Population and Housing Census), has fewer people and that it may not be altogether feasible to grant a region based on its boundaries. The Counter argument I wish to put across is that Gonjaland's population (440,976) is just a little below the 576,583 quoted for the Upper West Region. If Nanumbaland's two districts; Nanumba North and Nanumba South, with a population of 144,278 are added to Gonjaland to form the geographical boundaries of the proposed region, then its population will be 685,154 which far exceed the population of the Upper West Region and just a little below the Upper East Region with a population of 920,089.

Moreover, I find it difficult to understand why both the Upper East and West regions with a population of 1,496,672 is not a single region but Northern Region alone with a population of 1,820,806 (324,134 more than the two Upper regions) remain undivided.

I am also of the conviction that population alone cannot and should not be the justification of not given serious consideration to the creation of a second region out of the present Northern Region. It is a well known fact that parts of the world such as Siberia in the then Soviet Union, the Western Provinces of China, the Amazon in the Brazil, Alaska in the United States of America, self administration was granted to help accelerate development in these areas.

Let us all therefore agree that limited attention has always been given to the development needs of some parts of Northern Region by successive governments. Infrastructure development projects by governments such as roads, water, agriculture development, telecommunication, primary health care, educational facilities, and access to the mass media and so on in their part of the region appear not to have been given the kind of importance like other areas.

There are so many problems responsible for the slow development of the Northern Region and one of the ways of ameliorating these problems is the creation of a new region. The state of the roads in the Region is generally bad. The only stretch of roads that is tarred (first class) are the Buipe through Tamale to Bolgatanga stretch, a distance of about 270 Km and Tamale to Yendi stretch. Most roads are not motor-able in the rainy season thus hampering economic activities, tourism and other basic health programs.

Many of the most important tourist’s sites in the country are found in Gonjaland of the Northern Region. Mention can be made of the Game Reserve at Mole, Bui National Park, the Ancient Mosque and Mystic Stone at Larabanga (West Gonja), Ndewura Jakpa's Tomp at Old Buipe (Central Gonja), the Slave Market and Wells at Salaga (West Gonja), as well as the Hippopotamus Sanctuary at Ntereso and Royal Mausoleum for Gonja Kings at Mankuma (Bole). Why are they not being developed? It is because the roads are not motorable.

The area could boast of lands with mineral deposits. The Barite at Daboya, Brine deposits at river bed of the White Volta and Gold at Bombir, Bauxite at Digma, Diamond at Fimbu, (West Gonja), Gold at Dakurpe and Tinga (Bole), Limestine at Buipe (Central Gonja),Gold at can be tapped for the socio-economic development of the area and the country as a whole. These are not being mined in commercial quantities as a result of neglect.

Farming the main source of livelihood for Ghanaians could potentially prove a strong backbone for the economic development of the new region since the natural vegetation is predominantly guinea savannah It would also be a bread basket of the country as far as the production of food and cash crops such as maize, yam, millet, sheanut, cashew, cotton and others are concerned. Livestock animals such as cattle, sheep and goats can be reared in large quantities. . But how is this being handled?

The sheer size of the Region is itself a problem. The Northern Region is by far the largest in Ghana. It is about five times the size of Upper East; two times the size of Ashanti and God knows how many regions of the size of the Greater Accra can be carved out of Northern Region. I think that the Northern Region is too big to be controlled from Tamale; it is too big to be one administrative division. The reason some Regional Ministers in the past considered the region as ungovernable. It needs to be divided into two manageable regions in place of this one amorphous and unwieldy region.

If all the boundaries of Gonjaland alone for instance were retained or considered as a region, it would have been bigger than most administrative regions in Ghana. Even with the reduction as some parts are in the Brong-Ahafo region, Gonjaland and its Six Districts with a total of 36,783 sq. kms are still bigger than as many as eight (8) regions in the country. These regions are Ashanti (24,390.59 sq.kms), Western (22,096 sq.kms), Volta (20,570.59 sq. kms.), Upper West (18,476.59 sq. kms.), Upper East (8,818.59 sq.kms) and Greater Accra (4,540.59 sq.kms).

I strongly believe that the creation of a new region in Northern Region would solve these problems and also ensure the rapid realisation of government's decentralization policy and equitable distribution of the country's resources in line with the Directive Principle of State Policy as enshrined in the 1992 Constitution of Ghana. The creation of a new region would also remove all bottlenecks that impede the smooth administration and development of parts of Northern Region and therefore bring about an accelerated development as well as administrative efficiency.

The Northern Region is richly endowed with the natural resources that should make it one of the richest regions in the country but its size is a problem in realising its dreams. Indeed the region has the capacity to be the breadbasket of the nation. The Northern Region is unique in many ways and would need a different approach, an accelerated development plan that would make it like other parts of the country. By doing this, we can make this part of the country attractive to people to settle as well as do business. The Northern Region lacks many things especially industrial and economic projects. It needs to be divided so that the limited resources, in the north will be effectively used.

I hope that for the sake of unity, even development and equitable distribution of resources, this suggestion would take a national dimension and looked into.

Creating a 'Savannah Region' From Northern Region - Is It Not Time Politicians?

2009-07-28T06:00:00.000Z

Did the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) promise the people in some parts of Northern Region a new region? The answer is clearly yes!! In fact these promises are documented. Both the NDC and NPP have on several platforms made promises in connection with the creation of a second Region in the Northern Region.

For instance in June 2008 the current Vice-President of the Republic of Ghana John Dramani Mahama went to officially introduce himself to the Yagbonwura (Paramount Chief of the Gonja Kingdom) and sought his blessing. He categorically stated the NDC will create a new Region in the Northern Region to pave way for accelerated development if it was elected into office in last year’s election.

Before this promise by the NDC, then Presidential Candidate of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo addressing the King of the Gonjas, Yagbonwura Bawa Doshi in his palace at Damongo in January 2008 gave a firm promise of creating a new region in the Northern Region during the first year of his rule.

He promised to work assiduously to ensure the realisation of the dream of a new region in Gonjaland if he was elected President at the last election. Akufo-Addo also assured the people of Gonjaland that their long cherished dream of a region would receive serious consideration under his Presidency, in line with his vision of ensuring accelerated national development.

Well, if the two leading political parties did made promises, then the time has come for the victorious one to back such a promise with action. It is quite surprising that his Excellency the Vice President, John Mahama and other leading NDC members who were so passionate about the issue of a second region in the Northern Region has so far not done anything about their promise eight good months into office of their party.

May I remind readers that during the 2005 parliamentary vetting of Ministerial nominees, John Mahama, then Member of Parliament for Bole-Bamboi asked Hon. Ernest Akubuo Debrah and Boniface Abubakari Sadique who were the outgoing and incoming Northern Regional Ministers respectively about their opinion on the issue of creating a second region out of the Northern Region. Both nominees were unequivocal on the enormity of the daunting administrative challenges that the sheer size of the region poses to effective governance.

It was quite significant that John Mahama was the one asking the questions because as a key member of the NDC party and presently the Vice- President of Ghana, his interest in the subject may have been motivated by his party's position on the matter or at the very least by his own convictions on the subject. At any rate it gives an indication of the fact that there would be support from both the majority and minority for any proposal on the floor of parliament to partition the Northern Region into two or more administrative regions.

In another instance Mr John Mahama as Member of Parliament for Bole-Bamboi once questioned Mr Kwadwo Mpiani, then Minister of Presidential Affairs on the floor of Ghana's Parliament if it was normal that since 2003, no action had been taken on a petition by the Yagbonwura, Bawa Doshi (Supreme Traditional ruler of all people in Gonjaland) on the creation of region out of the Northern Region. I quite remember Mr Mpiani said the creation of a region was a serious matter that needed to be studied, and that the President was doing exactly so.

He further said the Office of the President and the Council of State were studying the petition by the Yagbonwura, for the division of the Northern Region into two regions and "an appropriate response will be issued in due course". He also disclosed that, then President John Agyekum Kufuor had acknowledged the receipt of the petition and had accordingly informed the Yagbonwura that action was being taken on the matter.

John Mahama drew Mr Mpiani's attention to the provisions of the 1992 Constitution, saying the President after receiving a petition was not to spend time studying the matter but rather after consultation with the Council of State, a Commission was to be set up to look into the matter.

Mr Mpiani also referred to the Constitution, saying it had provided that the President decides the merits or otherwise of a petition in consultations with the Council of State before setting up a commission. All these soothing words to Gonjas came to pass and the people of Gonjaland punished the NPP government for "deceiving" them about the creation of a second region from the present amorphous and unwieldy Northern Region.

I have a strong conviction the same fate awaits the NDC if they also do nothing about the issue before the 2012 election. The people of Gonjaland believe the creation of a new region would remove all bottlenecks that impede the smooth administration and development of their area and also bring about an accelerated development as well as administrative efficiency.

Gonjaland people believe limited attention has always been given to the development needs of their area by successive governments. Infrastructure development projects by governments such as roads, water, agriculture development, telecommunication, primary health care, educational facilities, access to the mass media and so on in their part of the region appear not to have been given the kind of importance like other areas.

They therefore expressed extreme anger over what they saw as the NPP government's failure in fulfilling its numerous campaign promises made to them. In fact they were left with no option than to cast their votes massively against the NPP in the 2008 December general elections resulting in the party not winning a single seat in Gonjaland notwithstanding the fact that Akufo-Addo realising the seriousness of the matter and a desperate move promised to create a new region during the first year of his rule.

Early this year and not long after the NDC's "sweet victory" over the NPP, the Gonjaland Youth Association held its 33rd Annual Congress at Bole in the Nothern Region.

In response to an appeal by the Gonja Traditional Council to government to expedite action on the long standing proposal to carve another region out of the present Northern region, the Vice- President John Dramani Mahama himself from Gonjaland, said a team of experts was to critically assess the process of demarcation and hold consultations with the various stakeholders after which the largest region in the country, the Northern Region, which stretches over a third of Ghana's land mass is to be split into two to enhance easy administration and development.

This inspirational message was welcomed but the question is: Has the team of experts been constituted and if not when? There are many Ghanaians especially people of Northern decent who believe the NDC government can fulfil their promises. Urgent action must therefore be taken on the request for the creation of a "Savannah Region" with Damongo or Buipe as the regional capital within the shortest possible time. A word to the wise is......

28 July 2009

Renaming NPP the 'Danquah-Dombo-Busia' Tradition is Long Over Due

2009-07-24T06:00:00.002Z

The New Patriotic Party (NPP), an offspring of the most consistentpolitical tradition in Ghana the United Party (UP) will be celebrating its 17thanniversary which falls on July 24, 2009. The occasion will be used to renamethe party's tradition as the "Danquah-Dombo-Busia" instead of"Danquah-Busia" as it is presently known. This is long over due andworth commending considering the role the late Chief Simon Diedong Dombo playedin the sustenance of this great political tradition.

In December 1957, the new sovereignConvention Peoples Party (CPP) government passed the Avoidance ofDiscrimination Act that was aimed at ensuring that political parties werenationally based. Consequently, the opposition parties merged into one partycalled the United Party (UP) under the joint leadership of K.A. Busia (NLM) andS.D. Dombo (NPP). With 15 seats from the Northern People's Party (NPP) and 12from the National Liberation Movement (NLM) after the 1956 Legislative Assemblyelection, Chief S.D. Dombo could have been the leader of the UP tradition in1969 but selflessly passed it on to Dr Kofi Abrefa Busia.
Chief Dombo, a renowned Chiefof Duori in the Lawra/Nandom District of the Upper West Region of Ghana was anastute politician notwithstanding the fact that he was not as educated as hiscontemporaries in the South. He was Certificate 'B' Teacher having completedGovernment Teacher Training College in Tamale in 1945 but has an envious trackrecord.
It is on record that Chief Dombo wasa founding member of the Northern Peoples' Party along side others like ChiefMumuni Bawumia, Tolon Naa Yakubu Tali, Kabachewura J. A. Braimah, Mr ImoroSalifu and so on. Chief Dombo and many others from the northern part of thecountry made sure that the UP tradition was deeply rooted in the three northernregions.
I totally agree with Dr.Obeng Busia an NPP stalwart and nephew of Proffessor K A Busia when he said" One historical figure of the Party who always comes to mind as a classicexample of subordinating individual ambition for the greater good is the lateChief Dombo. When it became clear that the only way the formidable CPP could bedislodged from power was through a coalition of the smaller opposition parties,Chief Dombo, who then controlled 13 Parliamentary seats and was the OfficialOpposition Leader, surrendered his leadership of the Opposition to Dr. Busiaand accepted to become the latter's deputy in the newly-formed United Party.
In fact, it is against thisbackground of the history of selflessness on the part of this founding memberof the Party that I suggest that we call the tradition the Danquah Busia-Dombotradition"
We Northerners in the modern NPP arealways told that the Akans have permanently hijacked the leadership of the NPPand its predecessor parties.We are told they are looking down upon us and theother minoritytribal groups like the Ewes and the Gas as far as the leadershipposition is concerned. They say we are alienated against, classified as theminority and have always played second fiddle to the Southerners.
We are told of being manipulated,belittled, fooled and used by the Akans. The situation in which Chief Domborelinquished the party leadership to Busia in 1969, the inability of AlhajiAliu Mahama to get the nod to lead the party in 2008 and the fact that leadersof the UP tradition, from Danquah to Busia to Victor Owusu /Ofori Atta to AduBoahen to J A Kufour right up to Nana Akufo-Addo are all Akans is often citedas examples of such manipulations.
We are told by adherents ofthe UP Tradition that, Chief Dombo not only sacrificed political ambition forthe evolution of the UP. As the majority partner in the merger of parties, hecould have come to the table with pre-conditions to be the leader of the UPrather than deputy-leader. Chief Dombo also sacrificed family life, as well aspersonal freedom, and even threats of death, to defy President Nkrumah evenwith the passage of the PDA.
He was jailed twice by Nkrumah forhis 'activism', the second, in 'condemned cells'. But for the 1966 coup, Dombo,like his compatriot, Danquah, would have died in prison. Chief Dombo eschewedpower for the sake of it, in favour of honour, justice, fairness and servitude.Otherwise, he could easily have done one of two things: run off into exile andbe safe, or taken the bribe President Nkrumah offered, of a ministerialposition, if he would 'cross carpet' on to the opposition side like a host ofothers did.
He believed in principles, and waswilling to die defending them. Arguably, it can be surmised that Dombo'sstrident opposition to a power-drunk President Nkrumah's crusade to form aone-party State, helped preserve Ghana's current multi-party democracy! Againsta background of such, the NPP would indeed smack of elitism, if a distinguishedpar-excellence man like Dombo was not a founding father.
He had no books and quotes anddoctoral letters ascribed to him! When the UP 'Tradition' is talked about itshould not be the misguided and misinterpreted '...property owing...' andelitism that should take sway, but the humanity, service above self, humility,self-sacrifice and honourable traits that mould and build societies, thatmatter.
Dombo's kind of traits. Traits thatconnect with the broad masses of our people, and set good examples for aspiringleaders to emulate.
Perhaps the most convincingargument was put forward by Gabby Asare Otchere Darko, the Executive Directorof the Danquah Institute when he said, "We cannot agree more with thesuggestion that adding Chief Dombo's name to the NPP tradition would make itmore complete and more appropriately represent the cross-regional roots andcurrency of Ghana's most enduring political tradition.
For starters, renaming the traditionDanquah-Busia-Dombo would be a powerful message to the rank and file of theparty, especially the young men and women who are expending energy, time, moneyand mental acumen to the cause of the
NPP, that it's a party worth dyingfor, one that recognises and rewards hard work".
Currently however this subject istreated by many NPP members as if some particular people have vested interestin it. Some have sought to downplay or minimize the relevance of geographicalidentity as a significant key to unlocking political loyalty in Ghana.
As Gabby further argued; "Ghanacomprises of the Regions of the Colony (in the South), Ashanti (includingBrong), the Northern Territories and British Togoland. Parts of BritishTogoland covered the North. J B Danquah, can be said to represent the South. KA Busia can, therefore, represent Ashanti. This leaves the Togoland protectorateand the Northern Territories being symbolically left out of the tradition thatgrew from the UP - Danquah-Busia tradition. To add Dombo to it and call itDanquah-Busia-Dombo tradition can go some way to take care of this."
It is a truism that geographicalconsiderations and ethnicity has become an integral part of politicking inGhana. During the last election, these issues featured prominently in thecampaign of NDC. They exploited and fanned geographical and ethnic differencesto win votes.
The NPP need to do a lot ofstrategic planning in terms perceptions as to whether the party is broad basedor not. I am simply elated the NPP is working hard to present a ageographically and ethnically diversified face.
Renaming our tradition Danquah-Dombo-Busiais another great step towards achieving this.
The NPP is so tagged with the brushof ethnic based being Akan-based that adding Chief Dombo's name will give amajor boost to the image of the party. The party needs to defuse thatperception now, more than ever.
In conclusion I wish to say thatwithout Chief Dombo and the Northern Peoples Party, the UP tradition could nothave been, because it could not have been able to present itself as abroad-based national party. It is in the light of this the renaming of ourtradition "Danquah-Dombo-Busia" must be welcomed. Long live theDanquah-Dombo-Busia tradition; Long live the NPP; Long live Ghana!!

Why Jake is my NPP Chairman (III)

2009-06-20T06:00:00.001Z

A founding member of the NPP has suggested that the Party elect a Ga or a Fanti as its chairman to dispel the perception that the NPP is an Akan Party. He says it is only by selecting somebody from the South like a Ga, Fanti or an Ewe that the NPP will begin to enjoy the mass following it derives to win the Elections. Mr Kwame Pianim says a Ga Chairman for the NPP will make the party very comfortable in Accra.

"If you have a Ga as your chairman, it also means that you'll feel comfortable in Accra. They will sell you to the people around here and when you feel comfortable in Accra that reflects all across the country because people will see that you are followed in Accra. I totally agree with Kwame Pianim. As far as I am concerned, the NPP has no choice on the matter. "The party must not to be seen solely as an Akan party notwithstanding the good side to this perception." As I have said in my previous features even before Mr Piamim commented on this sensitive subject, the NPP has been striving to erase a perception of being Akan dominated without success. I believe the selection of an Akan as Chairman would feed deep into that perception.

All things being equal the flag bearer position will remain with the Akans. Also as things stand now, all of the key, visible roles in the Party are held by Akans (Twi-speakers): Party Chairman, General Secretary, Minority leader of Parliament and ready to step in flag bearer (Nana Akufo-Addo). These are the people who continue to make the headlines on behalf of the Party. Clearly this does the Party no good. We have failed to encourage and promote non-Akan members to speak for the Party and to occupy certain key positions.

I therefore reason with Kwame Pianim that a Ga be selected as NPP Chairman. A Voltarians, Northerners and others could occupy other National executive positions in order to defeat this Akan tag. I have heard arguments that we should not limit this debate to ethnicity but choose a Chairman who can appeal to the broad masses. Some people have said the idea of strategising on the basis of tribe is quite repulsive and that we must take measures not to frame Ghanaian politics on tribal lines. These arguments are strange to me. In Ghana, ethnicity matters as the 2008 elections showed. The NPP would have to present an ethnically diversified face to be able to win future elections.

Even in the advance democracies ethnic, geographical, racial and other factors are taken into serious consideration when choosing leaders of political parties. The Conservatives in the United Kingdom are doing a lot to shed off certain perceptions about them. I do not think Kwabena Adjei of NDC appealed to Ghanaians in terms of his charisma and political pedigree but the fact that he is from the Volta region made Voltarians comfortable with the NDC. Some may disagree with the perceptions that the NPP is an Akan based party but the reality on the ground proves this is true.

As a kin-pin of the NPP campaign in the Bole- Bamboi Constituency in 2004 and 2008, I remember we have always hinged our campaign on issues of development. After trying to convince an educated NDC friend to vote NPP, he told me this. "Haruna, it is true Bole witnessed unprecedented development under the NPP government, but your party is an Asante party". I was dazed and short of words to continue the conversation with him.

Now considering the Ga gurus we have in NPP, I just think the onus lie in Jake Obetsebi Lamptey to take up the challenge. The likes of Professor Mike Ocquaye, Nyaho Nyaho Tamakloe, Adjiri Blankson and Sammy Crabbe are up to the task but the party should not overlook certain issues surrounding them. Professor Ocquay is a colossus in the NPP and could be an excellent chairman but is he not a Member of Parliament and the Second deputy Speaker of Ghana's Parliament? We will be entrusting too much responsibilities into his hands if we make him the Chairman. Mr. Crabbe who was recently hauled before the BNI and quizzed about the Ghana International Airlines (GIA) could be a good National Chairman but I think he needs more time to clear his name before taking up any position within the party.

Mr Adjiri Blankson might not be suitable for obvious reasons. We need an eloquent Chairman. Mr Nyaho Tamakloe's commitment and abrasive nature could be helpful to the party in some respects but his recent comments in support of Akufo-Addo is a minus to him as far as taking up the position of Chairman is concerned. Any attempt by him to vie for the position will be misconstrued as Akufo-Addo propping him up in order to take over the Chairmanship so he (Akufo-Addo) could gain leverage within the NPP. He is also an extreme hot head and might be a failure.

I just think Jake towers above them all in many facets of the political game. Apart from the fact that he is the most clean (going by the NDC government's current acts of witch hunt), he will have enough time for the job. His proven organisational acumen and general acceptability is what the NPP needs. He has great communication skills;

is a problem solver at a quicker pace and do not quickly take sides in conflicts without considering the pros and cons. As a party we need someone who is a unifier, someone popular, humble and well respected. I have a strong conviction that person is Jake. He will be the most suitable for the purpose of totally erasing the Akan tag on NPP.

Why Jake is my NPP Chairman (II)

2009-06-04T06:00:00.001Z

In the first part of this feature I advanced reasons why Mr Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey is the best to occupy the NPP chair. Some newspapers notably, the Statesman, a very credible newspaper by all standards has been speculating on some of the names likely to contest the position of National Chairman of the NPP.Â Names of other NPP gurus like Mr Peter Mac Manu, Mr Stephen Ntim, Mr Andrew Kwame Pianim and Madam Ama Busia as has been mentioned as interested in the position. Without any prejudice to any of these names, I would like to throw some searchlight on them and also try to explain why they cannot occupy the NPP chair.

Mr Peter Mac-Manu, the 56 year old current National Chairman of NPP was the most formidable of all the contestants during the last executive election. He enjoyed so much good will. I vividly remember many NPP activists supported him. I staunchly backed Mac Manu and even mobilised 15 articulate boys from the Ghana Institute of Journalism to talk to delegates to vote for him and other friends like Lord Commey and John Boadu at the Legon grounds where the election took place. Clearly, Mac Manu towered above the rest, in terms of his business and fund raising acumen, team and coalition building skills, excellent media and public relations, inspirational speeches as well as long service a vast wealth of political experience (spanning from polling station agent through constituency executive to Regional Chairman).

Notwithstanding this and if only Mac Manu will heed the sentiments and views of thousands of NPP members across the country, then he should better throw in the towel to avoid any disappointment from the party's kingmakers. The voices critical of his stewardship are becoming louder. For instance an NPP member and a great writer Daniel Danquah said, Mac Manu and his team were elected into office to perform a specific task and to give us a positive sense of leadership and direction but failed to do so. "They were elected into office to ensure that we kept our parliamentary majority. They were elected into office to ensure that the Presidency was retained by the party. But alas, what did we see? We looked on helplessly as both the Presidency and our Parliamentary Majority slipped off our hands." he lamented.

He explained that, on being voted into the National Executive Council of the party, the expectations and challenges of NPP members were very high and so they had no reason not to deliver for the atmosphere was just right. We were in control of the Central Government and the morale of party men and women was very high. The goodwill of Ghanaians and that of the international community for the party was at its apogee. But due to the ineptitude of the leadership, the party has found itself in disarray, staggering like a herd of cattle without shepherd. Isn’t it time to look elsewhere for a much vibrant and vision-oriented National Executive which will take into consideration the views and feelings of its members?" he questioned.

He also said that, the National Executive Committee of the New Patriotic Party led by Mr. Peter Mac Manu, having exhibited gross signs of ineffective leadership and communication skills and ability to restore hope to a large member of the party whose morale is at its lowest ebb should consider that their continuous clinging to their positions is inimical and detrimental to the common good of the party and should relinquish their positions.

Another loyal, committed, dedicated and die-hard member of the NPP Iddrisu Musah Superior said Mac Manu should be condemned in stronger terms for our painful defeat â€“ a defeat we could have avoided if they provided some kind of direction.

According to the Founder of the once vibrant Young Elephants Club of NPP, Mac Manu should be condemned in stronger terms for our painful defeat. According to him Mac and his teams selfishness, arrogance, disrespect and pursuit of money rather power ought to be discussed for hard lessons to be learnt as we zealously match towards December, 2012.

"It is more evident that we lost the election because Mr. Mac Manu and his team failed to put in place a comprehensive, consistent and firm strategy since they were elected into office in 2005 to consolidate our support base and bring undecided voters to our fold. In fact, they are the most incompetent National Officers ever in the history of our tradition." he explained.

The history of the performance of all the past chairmen of NPP has also raised questions over Mac Manu’s stewardship. When B.J Da Rocha became Chairman in 1992, the party boycotted the Parliamentary elections and so the party had no seat in Parliament. In 1996, the late Peter Ala Adjetey, as chairman of the party, moved us from zero seating in Parliament of 1993-1996 to 61 seats. After him came Mr. Samuel Odoi Sykes who worked hard to move us from 61 seats in the 1996-2000 Parliament to 102 in the 2001-2004Â Parliament and gave us the Presidency as well.

Mr. Harruna Esseku, who was an Octogenarian and the most controversial of the chairmen, worked diligently to increase our seats to 128 by end of 2004 elections as well as winning the Presidency one touch. But when a relatively younger man in the person of Mr. Peter Mac-Manu mounted the throne, our seats in Parliament reduced from 128 to 109.

Stephen Ayesu Ntim widely seen as a good organiser and a party man with modern ideas, and international experience is in the race. After his failed attempt to become NPP National Chairman in the last executive elections many hold the view that it is now time for him to become the Chairman.

In the last executive election, the odds had favoured Mr. Stephen Ntim as the person most likely to clinch the party’s Chairmanship because of his assistance to the party in terms of logistics in all constituencies. However the hawks in the party ganged up at the last minute and that changed the permutations. Mr Ntim was alleged to be the handpicked candidate of ex-President Kufour who was very unpopular within the NPP at that time hence the situation.

To me Ntim cannot lead a united NPP. He played a crucial role for Alan Kyeramaten during the last Presidential Primaries of NPP and so is seen as an epitome of the factionalism within NPP. I have a strong conviction the NPP will be plunged into serious problems if he is made the chairman.

Mr Andrew Kwame Pianim's name also has cropped up as a likely contestant for the NPP Chairmanship. Many Ghanaians remember the fact that he was clearly going to win the NPP’s flag bearership contest for the 1996 election, until Rosemary Ekwam, another party member invoked the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for the interpretation of the issue of whether or not someone who has served a jail term could take up an executive position in a party or even go on to contest the Presidency in what is now known in Ghana law as Ekwam Vrs. Pianim. He was later handed a last minute pardon by former President Rawlings before he left office on January 7, 2001; thus clearing him to run for President and any other political office if he so wishes.

His decision to quit the NPP as was contained in a letter he wrote to the national leadership of the party dated January 20, 2000 is a great minus. Many are asking questions about his loyalty to the NPP. He is also seen as too controversial to be Chairman of NPP.

Madam Ama Busia, sister of the late Prime Minister Kofi Abrefa Busia and a former Vice- Chairman of the NPP is another committed member of the NPP and an adroit politician. She served Ghana so well that she was honoured with the Companion of the Order of the Volta by the NPP government before leaving office. Her record in NPP is well documented. Madam Ama Busia was a member of the Women’s Committee of the NPP from 1993 to 1995. In 1995, she was elected third Vice Chairman of the party. For her meritorious services to the NPP, Madam Ama Busia was elected as First National Vice Chairman of the party during the NPP’s congress in 1998. She also held various positions at the University of Ghana and rose through the ranks to become Principal Domestic Bursar of the Commonwealth Hall of the University.

Although she is said to enjoy some powerful patronage within the NPP, I will prefer that she becomes a member of the Council of Elders due to her age and the fact that she has served as a member of Ghana's Council of State. I do not think she can withstand the pressure and all the troubles associated with the position of chairman of a big party like the NPP. Moreover now that Ama Busia's son Obeng Gyan Busia is touted to be the one likely to step into the shoes of his uncle Busia in terms of his political astuteness, it would be better the mother takes a back stage and allow her son to take his rightful place in the NPP.

With the track record of Jake whom I discussed at length in the first part of this feature, there is no doubt he will be a fantastic Chairman. His strategic mind is unquestioned. Some say the only problem with him is when he attempted to purchase a government house, before the last election. I believe that blunder and blot cannot erase his real strengths as a party stalwart, strategist and organiser. Let us unite as a party and make him, the chairman.

Â Most importantly since the NPP has been striving to erase a perception of 'Akan-ness', I believe the selection of an Akan would feed deep into that perception. All the names I discussed above are Akans. All things being equal the flag bearer position will remain with the Akans. The Gas, an important ethnic group in the politics of this country should be given the Chairmanship with Voltarians and Northerners and others taking other National executive positions in order to defeat the Akan tag on NPP. A Jake chairmanship I believe will totally erase this perception as happened when Mr Peter Ala Adjetey and Mr Odoi Sykes became chairmen at a time.

The analysis will continue. Many will agree with me and many will disagree with me. But I once again I totally agree with what a leading member of the party said: even though our party has always welcomed competition for office as a bedrock principle, well-meaning Ghanaians and the overwhelming majority of our rank and file hope that this time around the competition will be conducted in a way that will facilitate reconciliation among competitors and their supporters, thereby reinforcing the unity of our party. Ghanaians want to see a strong united front amongst us so that we can offer them the vibrant, energetic and visionary leadership they are yearning for returning our party to government in 2012.

Why Jake is my NPP Chairman (I)

2009-05-27T06:00:00.001Z

Once again, the need has arisen for the NPP to choose a new crop of National Executive to steer the affairs of this great party by the end of the year. The kind of leaders we choose for our party, will be a reflection of our sense of judgment on how we want the party to perform in the 2012 election..

The competition over the National Chairmanship position will be challenging but I believe it would not be too big a challenge to NPP Kingmakers because the party is full of discerning and well informed people who will rightly determine how the party should chart its course by electing the right leaders. Our vision as members of a NPP remains and together, we can work to achieve our ultimate goals to uplift the party's image. We must strive to restore the hope and confidence of Ghanaians.

The NPP need to turn a new page, adapt to a new paradigm shift and embrace a new brand of leadership. The party needs a disciplined, dynamic and a visionary chairman whose love for the party is without question. A new chairman with a strong commitment to organization and party-building skills is needed.

Leadership is about people. It is about how to lead people to achieve the desired outcomes for a course. According to the Book of Proverbs, the qualities of good leadership are hard work, good listening skills, wise planning and common sense, ability to stand adversity and pressure and openness to new ideas.

The NPP need someone who has these character traits to be able exhibit good leadership qualities. The grass root supporters and other admirers of the party are currently disillusioned due to some avoidable and elementary mistakes as well as self-inflicted wounds the Party suffered, especially before the last elections. The once popular party that the nation embraced is now a pale shadow of it s former glory. In view of this there is a general impression that the entire National Executive should exit for their failure to lead the party to a third term victory especially when it appeared their pedigrees assured victory.

I have a strong conviction that Jacob Otanka Obetsebi-Lamptey commonly called Jake Obetsebi Lamptey has what it takes to be an efficient, effective and a progressive chairman to take over from Mac Manu. As a credible newspaper recently put it: "Jake enjoys considerable grassroots support and several of the people in the party leadership are comfortable with him. He is considered as 'conveniently and positively predictable' as a strategist and grafter because of his vast experience in party management and campaign organisation since 1979". Quality leadership is a potent mix of good character and strategy and I strongly believe Jake is the mix. He is a strategist, a pragmatic situation analyst and a good lobbyist. Jake has the character, leadership skills and experience to become chairman of NPP.

Jake has served the NPP for long and is one of the few who sacrificed their time, resources and spirit to consolidate, advance and improved on the fortunes of the Danquah-Busia political tradition and the NPP over the years. As a three times Greater Accra Regional chairman and two times winning campaign Manager he is well baked to take up the chairmanship position. He is a team player and therefore creates opportunities for people working under him to learn and grow. He is the only Minister under ex-President Kufour's government who's four deputies were promoted to full Ministers. He is, down-to-earth and politically astute enough to connect with the average folks.

He is someone who is able to mix well and relate maximally with different shades of people- the youth, women and other vulnerable groups. He has a passion for the promotion of the well fare of the youth and is down to earth. He is accommodating and listens carefully to people even under pressure.

There is a feeling among the younger generation of NPP that, the party needs to change itself with regards to the way it deals with its youth before it begins thinking about retaking power. The youth are craving new ideas and leadership action and I have the conviction it is Jake who would be able to meet their aspirations.

"Insha'Allah" ( If it is Gods Will), an Arabic term evoked by Muslims to indicate hope for an aforementioned event to occur in the future is often used by Jake and so Muslims loves him although he is not one of them. In fact they feel so comfortable with him. His style of mostly dressing like a Northerner is admired and appreciated by people from the three Northern Regions and I hear he loves eating Ewe food.

Jake is a Unifier and would not drag the party to wallow in the bitterness of divisions and factionalism. If the roots of disunity getting firm in the NPP are not immediately addressed, the party could be heading for serious problems in the 2012 elections. In fact, it could lead to the break-up of the party. To have any chance of winning we must unite our party to hold our own and the best person to do that is Jake. Having served as Campaign chairman for Kufour and Akufo-Addo as well as most of the prominent people in NPP with greater co-operation and understanding, I believe he will be in the best position to unite the party.

Under a Jake chairmanship, I believe NPP foot soldiers; activists and all relevant stakeholders will be duly recognised and if possible rewarded for their good work. As Chief of Staff and Minister of Presidential Affairs, he created a "Party Liaison Office" to deal with concerns of party members across the country, a situation that made party activists happy.

Jake's ethnic background will be an advantage to the NPP. I am not suggesting he should be made chairman simply because he is a Ga. But whether we like it not or yes, ethnicity has become an integral part of politicking in Ghana. During the last election, ethnicity featured prominently in the campaign of NDC. They exploited and fanned ethnic differences to win votes. The NPP need to do a lot of strategic planning in terms of ethnic permutations for top positions in the party to prevent the situation in which NDC will continue to brand it pro-Akan. All things being equal the flag bearer position will remain with the Akans. The Gas, an important ethnic group in the politics of this country should be given the Chairmanship with Voltarians and Northerners taking other National executive positions to balance the situation.

When Jake was the Greater Accra Chairman of NPP, the party increased its seats from 9 to 16. No party has ever won an election in Ghana without winning the Greater Accra region and that is the more reason why Jake should be the Chairman because Greater Accra, a region the NPP need to win the next election will feel comfortable with him. He is a workaholic and in fact one who once effectively combined Cabinet responsibilities with the position of Greater Accra regional Chairman.

Jake has charisma and this is essential to motivate and inspire our party foot soldiers most of whom are presently apathetic to the course of the party. His natural appeal to floating voters and non NPP voters could do the trick. The above reasons are very essential attributes of a prospective National Chairman. Some of the issues raised seem trivial but believe me they are what Ghanaians look out for in voting.

The debate as to who is the right person to become NPP chairman will continue. I reason in line with the opinion that, even though our party has always welcomed competition for office as a bedrock principle, well-meaning Ghanaians and the overwhelming majority of our rank and file hope that this time around the competition will be conducted in a way that will facilitate reconciliation among competitors and their supporters, thereby reinforcing the unity of our party. Ghanaians want to see a strong united front amongst us so that we can offer them the vibrant, energetic and visionary leadership they are yearning for returning our party to government in 2012.

I will stick my neck out for Jake. I also implore NPP members to let our arguments be cogent and not destructive. I urge the NPP's Council of Elders, the National Executive Committee, Regional and Constituency Branches, the Party's Parliamentary group and all the caucuses as well as Party faithful whose duty is to protect, nurture and defend the beliefs, ideology and visions of the great founding fathers of the party to as a matter of great concern support my idea of making Jake our Chairman to enhance NPP'S chance in 2012.

NPP's Defeat: The Akufo-Addo Factor

2009-05-06T06:00:00.000Z

The NPP's Defeat has been a big blow to many NPP members, and I cannot bring myself to understand how we could let it happen. Even though we all know that several things accounted for the defeat, I still would want to think every single NPP member including the writer of this feature should be held responsible and it is only through a proper analysis of the role of each an every member, starting from former President J. A. Kufour to Nana Akufo-Addo downwards to the lowest person in the party that we will know where we faulted and how to make amends in our quest to come back to power in 2012.

As human as he is, the Presidential Candidate of NPP for the 2008 elections Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo engaged in certain acts and took certain decisions that were detrimental to the success of the party. I explain these as follows:

Campaign team.
"...I for my part will do everything possible to promote our unity and will ensure that if indeed I am your choice today, all my fellow aspirants will work hand-in-glove with me to realise the vision of the pioneers of our movement who sought to build a free, just and prosperous society..."

This is a quote from the speech of Nana Akufo-Addo delivered on the election day of the 1998 Congress of NPP at Sunyani. True to his words Akufo-Addo carried this idea to 2008 after winning the Presidential Primaries. I did not understand why Nana felt it was his fellow competitors that would win the election for him hence over relying on them. Some were just square pegs in round holes. Imagine Dr Arthur Kennedy- the Communications Director of the campaign whom I respect so much telling the public the people of Ashanti voted massively for NPP in the first round of the elections because the Asantehe- Otumfuo Osei Tutu II told them to do so. Should we then begrudge Togbe Afede- the Awomefia of Asogli Traditional Area for instructing his people to chase all strangers out of the Volta Region on the election day of the second round? What about the role of Dr Konadu Apraku and some others? The least said about their role, the better. Akufo-Addo should have entrusted some of the roles given to the former Presidential aspirants into the hands of his tried and tested lieutenants like Victor Newman, Nich Darko, Carlos Von Brazi and others who did it for him during the Primaries.

Also while Akufo-Addo was seen as very honest, same cannot be said of some key people at the top of his campaign. Some were people with questionably characters. Some of the people in the campaign team were not supposed to be part of it in the first place. There were reports of money not getting to the right places and campaigners diverting resources. People who had problems paying their rent all of a sudden put up mansions within a short spate of a short time after they were given certain roles in the campaign. Moreover I have a strong belief the campaign team did not do enough to get floating voters to NPP.

Campaign Message and Strategy.
The campaign message of Akufo-Addo was hinged on the performance of Kufour which to me was misplaced. He told Ghanaians J.A .Kufour had performed very well as President and so he was coming to continue from where he left off. Akufo-Addo for once never criticised a single policy or act of Kufour. I just think Nana should have told Ghanaians that although he was part of Kufour's government, he would offer policies relatively new yet continuing with the positive policies of the Kufour regime. To me Akufo-Addo should have simply distanced himself from Kufour's mistakes or negatives, but he overly praised Kufour to the chagrin of many.

In the 2000 and 2004 elections, Atta Mills did same and failed woefully because Ghanaians did not appreciate many of the things Rawlings did when he was in government. We were not guided by the fact that, Ghanaians were peeved and disappointed in Atta Mills when he declared he would consult with Rawlings 24 hours if he became President. In Nigeria then candidate Musah Yar'adua condemned certain policies of Olusegun Obansanjo before some Nigerians developed confidence in him and therefore voted for him. Yes Kufour did a lot of good things for the NPP just as he did a lot of bad things for the party.

Many are those who argue Akufo-Addo stuck fast to Kufour's achievements because he had no personal accomplishments to campaign about. Throughout the campaign Nana never mentioned one accomplishment of his. He could not tell Ghanaians what makes him a better candidate than his opponent. One would think he would have made known his accomplishment to the voting public but that did not happen. I strongly believe that if he had enumerated his ministerial performance on platforms before the election, he would have gotten enough votes to win. His often repeated saying that whatever he did as a Minister was for Kufour and not himself was not good judgment.

Few in Ghana did not know about his decades of service to Ghana, his breath-taking heroism as the main architect of the "Kumepreko" demonstrations, his foreign policy expertise and his ability to reach across all shades of people. His credentials are numerous but were not packaged well.

Added to this is the inconsistency with regards to his demeanour and attitude. When the Institute of Economic Affairs organised the Presidential debate I was hopeful it would reveal Akufo-Addo as the candidate best qualified for the job. I however came to the conclusion that if there was no second debate; Akufo-Addo would have been in trouble regarding the perception of Ghanaians about his grasp of issues, temperament and attitude. During the first debate he tried confronting Atta Mills, but was never able to shake the man's unnatural cool. At times, Akufo-Addo seemed to be trying to keep a simmering rage under control, which brought negative coverage. The second debate revealed the best in the man.

In terms of strategy I realised the campaign was too centralised. Most party members wanted to get the attention of the Candidate and therefore followed him around instead of going to their constituencies where they were most needed. We simply did not use the bottom up approach. I am also convinced that if we had made it clear to the grass roots that- 'This is your campaign, you own it, and you can run with it,' they would have responded better than they did.

Communication Strategy.
In modern-day politics, image and perception count a lot as one my favourite writer explained. This brings us to another important factor that needed serious consideration: communication. The party's communication or PR machine was not up and running effectively. I would not be surprised if somebody in the party's leadership had persuaded him-or herself—during the 2008 elections—into believing that the party was doing a 'heck of job' in the communication frontier. We know that there are different levels of communications. Communication is not only a message delivery or an information transfer. In fact, one of the effective ways of communication is when the message is wrapped in the package of strategic control. This means not only that communication is used as a tool for controlling the environment, but also to choose communication strategies that are suited for attaining a specific desired goal(s) in these case winning elections. This can also mean we have to define our message concisely, efficiently, and present it before your opponents seize the chance to define the message for you. The NPP was not showing any tangible initiative or creativity, needless to say a sustained interest in sending certain messages across. The opposition parties, especially the NDC, spearheaded by Rawlings, was easily handed the task of defining NPP's messages and its policies in the later days of Kufuor's administration and during the campaign.

NDC members are subscribers of communist inferior tactics. They are professional liars who strategically fabricate and churn out lies about their opponents. The NDC succeeded in painting the NPP government in a negative light. They engaged in complete ethnic politics and politics of deception in specific regions and I wonder why we did not do same in the regions we were supposed to do that. We could not design counter messages but chose to campaign on our achievements only.

Also instead of taking proactive road, the best Akufo-Addo and the Campaign team could do was to always react to accusations levelled against the party. Perhaps the conventional wisdom of the party leadership was that Ghanaians would not give NDC a chance because of the party's misrule under Rawlings. But, as I said, efficient communication can somehow change long-held adverse perceptions and images.

Cocaine Smear.
It should rightly be pointed out that Akufo-Addo was extremely moderate and gentle in his campaign. Akufo-Addo for reasons best known to him allowed the opposition to define him in very negative terms. He and his Campaign team failed miserably to respond to all felonious charges made against him by the opposition in a timely and cogent manner. Every team needs a rapid response when unfounded allegations are made against their candidate. You do not allow the charges to hang in the air like that, and wish it will soon go away. No, it does not go away! By that action Akufo-Addo gave credence to the lies and distortions of the NDC.

Akufo-Addo should have defended himself against accusations of cocaine use. He should have gone to court against those making those accusations and seek damages and an injunction. He and his campaign team could have used that 'jerk' and ' junker' Kofi Wayo for this purpose but surprisingly allowed him to say all sorts of things without proof and going scot free. We should have done some 'negative politics' of our own against the NDC. Clearly election 2008 was not about issues, it was about propaganda. Some of our people said they hate such politics but history has shown over and over again that it is effective and the NDC is best at it. At a minimum, we need such politics in order not to allow our opponents to redefine themselves more positively and paint us in negative terms. It is simply not true that Akufo-Addo is a cocaine addict but we allowed NDC to repeatedly use that as a campaign message and my Communication Studies tells me a message repeatedly used gains effect.

False Image.
Akufo-Addo should have presented himself as he is; the eloquently outspoken, no nonsense, firm, strong and self confident type; instead of morphing into a humble and gentle guy (The Kufour type). One of the reasons he became very popular in his political career is because of this attitude. It does not mean arrogance, far from that! As a young boy, I remember being enchanted by Akufu-Addo, particularly by his way of putting issues across. He spoke with vim and vigour and the masses got attracted to him because of that. I vividly remember his role in the 'Kumepreko' demonstrations In fact I supported him during the 1998 Primaries of NPP because I felt he was stronger in terms of character and could match the NDC firebrands boot for boot. For whatever reason he changed completely thereby disappointing many people who liked him for who he is.

Grace Omaboe (Maame Dokono).
I do not understand why Akufo-Addo allowed Grace Omaboe to take front line role in the campaign. Her comment that she is now going to vote for her Akyem brother (Easterner) played to the NDC's advantage in the Central Region and some parts of Northern Region. The NDC was smart; they simply recorded those comments and played it in the Fante areas of Ghana. It was a serious blunder Akufo-Addo needed to correct. We should not have allowed the NDC a chance to pounce on this to convince Fantes to vote for it. They packaged the message very well and used it to prosecute a serious ethnic campaign in Central Region. Some parts of Northern Region also picked it up. In the Gonja areas, we were told to vote for NDC because John Mahama hails from the area (notwithstanding the fact that he did not performed creditably as a a Member of Parliament and Minister). Grace Omaboe's 'ethninocentric comments' were used to buttress their point. The NDC'S tribal politics was simply too strong for us to counter. For Maame Dokono who even contested a seat on the ticket of NDC in the Eastern Region in 2000 to say this smacks of nothing than ethnocentriticism.

Danquah Institute.
It was believed the Danquah Institute which was formed shortly after Nana Akufo-Addo became flag bearer of NPP and which was headed by hardworking Gabby Asare Otchere Darko had hijacked and run the 2008 campaign. Some party members believed the Institute was formed to champion Akyem Abuakwa hegemony and should not have involved itself in the campaign. The office of Director of Communication of the campaign for instance was at the Danquah Institute and not Campaign or Party office. This alienated many party members from the campaign especially those from the Ashanti region. I personally overheard a leading party member (name withheld) vow never to step there because the place was named after Danquah- minus Busia and Dombo. Notwithstanding all the good work of the Danquah Institute, there was so much uneasiness and suspicions within the NPP when it was established.

It was said even Lord Commey, (whom some people attribute Akufo-Addo's victory to) went into an outburst over the way the Danquah Institute 'hijacked' the campaign by handling all issues of procurement and printing of materials for the party.

Data Bank.
The movers and shakers of Banking in Ghana felt threatened and uneasy over an Akufo-Addo Presidency and simply worked against him. This was because they feared Data Bank which has Ken Ofori Atta, a Cousin of Nana-Addo as its Director would have been directing banking in the country. They simply "protected" their banks and businesses from a "wolf". Fred Adu of Cal Merchant Bank, Togbe Afede of African Securies, Kwabena Dufour of Uni Bank etc, it has now been established bankrolled the NDC. As smart as NDC was, a propaganda message was simply floated that some $10 million came from Hugo Chavez-President of Venezuela and this interestingly was taken in by the NPP and was subject of intense discussion within NPP circles especially before the run-off. I can dare say that, the NDC received not even a penny from Chavez. All their money for the election was raised in Ghana especially money used for the run-off through the personalities mentioned above. That might be the reason they were all appointed members of NDC's Transitional Team with one becoming the Minister of Finance just to enable them reap their investments.

In the case of Togbe Afede, there were rumours he had personal scores to settle with Ken Ofori Atta over some business concerns. They were partners and even established Data Bank together but parted ways later on.

The point I am making here is that Data Bank was too engrossed in the campaign and the affairs of NPP when Akufo-Addo became candidate, a situation that cost the party because the Banking community ganged up against NPP as a result of this. They could have done many things underground as the others did for NDC. It was not uncommon to hear party campaigners say 'we are waiting for money from Data Bank'. It is also rumoured the interest of owners of Data Bank gave the NPP Bawumia who was simply a disaster to the party.

This also reminds me of the Michael Adenuga Jr and Globacom links to Akufo-Addo. It is believed MTN- the largest mobile Company in Ghana allegedly sponsored the NDC to spite Akufo-Addo because of fear of a fierce competition from Globacom due to government backing (as happening in Nigeria now).

Akyem or Kyebi Mafia.
It is also said Akufo-Addo surrounded himself with the 'Akyem Mafia' whose membership although could not be determined might be Akufo-Addo's immediate relations or personalities who hail from Akyem Abuakwa like Bumpty Akufo-Addo, Ken Ofori-Atta, Yaw Kwakye, Gabby Asare Otchere Darko, Nana Fredua Agyeman, Nana Asante Bediatuo, Nana Yaa-Ofori Atta and others. Some party members believe they were actually in charge of affairs and formed a stone wall around Akufo-Addo. There have been accusations that the 'Akyem Mafia' displayed cockiness forgetting that politics is about numbers. They have been accused of operating a closed door policy that seemed to regard only members of Akufo-Addo's close inner circle. There was this ridiculous rumour within NPP circles they had 'shared' cabinet and all other government positions to themselves and cronies even when the party had not won. These allegations (although not true) infuriated many party members especially those from Ashanti . As far as I am aware, the likes of Victor Newman, Nich Darko, Alhaji Business, Mustapha Hamid, Carlos Von-Brazi, Obiri and Ellis were those calling the shots in Akufo-Addo's set-up and not the so called 'Akyem Mafia'

Government and Party Relations.
To me Akufo-Addo did not do enough to correct the bad-blood and incompatibility between Government and Party from the National level to the District level. There was no proper collaboration between the two and this greatly affected the NPP.

A certain Maame Coomson who is said to be Mr Oteng Kufour, son of Professor Kufour of the University of East London ( a close ally of Kufour) said after the 2008 elections that former President Kufour stayed home and did not do any proper campaign because his office repeatedly contacted the campaign team to ask for their daily itinerary so he could adjust his schedule to meet theirs and thus campaign together, but the campaign team never replied to this request. Maame Coomson said it even got so bad that there were times when party members would tell Kufour's entourage that they should keep their President and they will keep their candidate. The problem was worse at the Regional and Disrict level. Akufo-Addo should have corrected this situation.

No matter the complexities of the situation then, Akufo-Addo should not have waited after the election was over before going to hold a meeting with Kufour on how to keep the Party United in opposition, strengthen its structures across the country and sharpen its arsenal to win power in 20012. If that was done before the elections, the NPP would have been in power.

Un-healed Divisions.
I have always maintained that if there is anybody who has worked to unify the NPP, then it is Nana Akufo-Addo. After he failed in his bid to win the NPP's endorsement as the Flag bearer in 1998, he became a unifying force despite the fact some elements in the NPP at that time embarked on a campaign of victimisation, vindictiveness, denigration, abuse and harassment against him and his supporters. Despite agitations from many quarters that Nana-Addo breaks away to from the NPP to form his own party due to alleged irregularities at the Primaries in Sunyani, he rather pledged his support and also showed loyalty to J. A. Kufour- the elected Presidential Candidate, the NPP and the Danquah-Busia Political Tradition. He also disengaged his core support group and many of them accused him of neglecting them.

After NPP won power in 2000, Akufo-Addo never reacted negatively when NPP gurus who supported him like Victor Newman and many others were sidelined. Notwithstanding this, Nana-Addo could have done better in uniting the Party especially at the grass roots where some members of the party saw themselves as belonging to the Friends of Nana Akufo-Addo (FONAA) or 'KALAMARI'- a network Alan Kyeramaten used to prosecute his 2007 NPP Presidential Primaries.

Selection of Vice-Presidential Candidate.
I was surprised in the midst of the hullabaloo surrounding the nomination of the NPP's running mate, a prominent figure in the party said it was the Presidential Candidate that would win the election for the party but not the running mate and that the bottom line in the selection was not about who would add more votes to the Presidential Candidate but one who would show loyalty and also effectively partner the candidate without problems. After Dr Muhamadu Bawumia was nominated, we were told Akufo-Addo nominated him because he wanted a technocrat for a smooth, effective and efficient running of Central government business. In fact Akufo-Addo handled the issue of running mate as if he had already been sworn in as President.

In the choice of a running mate, one picks someone who would add more votes to the ticket as is done all over the world. It is undisputable that John Dramani Mahama added a fair amount of votes (especially floating voters) to Atta Mills and the NDC. What did Dr Muhamadu Bawumia 'the technocrat' brings to the NPP in terms of votes? To me nothing!-The reason being that he is simply not a politician.

To me Alhaji Boniface Sadique or Alhaji Nurideen Jawula would have added some potential NDC votes from the Zongos and would have done better than Bawumia in the three Northern Regions. I still cannot come to terms with the fact that the NPP lost all four Mamprusi Constituencies in the Northern Region (including one NPP won in the 2004 election) although Bawumia hails from the area. In contrast the NDC won all six Gonja Constituencies in the Northern Region and this is attributed to the fact that John Mahama hails from the area.

Many Ghanaians did not see Bawumia as a Politician and believe Akufo-Addo only foisted his running mate slot on him. The "Hawks" in NPP saw him as an intruder and one who is not originally NPP and so many (including leading members) who have been part of the history and struggles of the Danquah-Busia tradition were not happy.

I conclude by saying that some of the mistakes and shortcomings explained above could be corrected and should be corrected by Akufo-Addo in 2012 and I believe he will be sworn in as Ghana’s next President (inshah Allahu!).

Dear reader due to consistent pressure from highly placed personalities, friends and well-wishers to stop writing my series on the factors for NPP's Defeat, I will no longer be able to post features on the topic. In fact I have on my file the following: "NPP's Defeat- the Akufo-Addo factor. Part (II)"; "NPP'S Defeat-The Alan Kyerematen Factor"; "NPP's Defeat- The Bawumia Factor"; NPP's Defeat-The Aliu Mahama Factor"; "NPP's Defeat-The National Executive Committee Factor"; "NPP;s Defeat- The Ethnicity Factor"; NPP's Defeat- The Selection of Presidential/Parliamentary Candidates Factor"; and NPP's Defeat-The Economy of Ghana Factor".

Sorry for disappointing all those who enjoy reading the series? I will be back!

NPP's Defeat: The Kufour Factor (V)

2009-04-30T06:00:00.000Z

How John Kofi Agyekum Kufuor used Northern NPP Chairmen and dumped them.

In the run-up to the Presidential Primaries of NPP in 1992, then candidate J. A. Kufuor embarked on a vigorous campaign in the North to get the support of the Chairmen. In fact most of the influential Chairmen were targeted. He succeeded in recruiting the three Regional Chairmen: the late Alhaji Abdul-Rahman COP (Northern Region), the late Alhaji Imoro Salifu (Upper East) and Alhaji Issahaku Abudulai (Upper West) on whose shoulders the NPP rested in the dark days of opposition. Other Chairmen in the Northern Region that Kufour recruited were Alhaji Sabonkudi (in charge of Mamprusi) Alhaji Muhamadu Abudulai (in charge of Nanumba) and Alhaji Mahama Salifu (in charge of Gonja).These were people who were highly respected in their various zones. Indeed at a time these Chairmen worked so hard for J.A. Kufour, he was a subject of ridicule for many Chairmen in his own back yard- the Ashanti Region.

These Chairmen galvanised all delegates from the North en-bloc for then candidate J. A Kufour in the 1992 Congress which he placed third after Professor Albert Adu Boahen and Safo Adu. The same story was repeated at the 1996 Congress which J. A. Kufour won but lost the General Elections to Jerry John Rawlings.

In 1998, the North was a no go area for Akufo-Addo and others who fiercely contested J. A. Kufour as NPP flag bearer. Even Alhaji Malik Alhassan who was the only Northerner among the lot was rejected Northerners. He got only six votes. I can dare say that J. A. Kufour always had the support about 90% of Northern Delegates because these Chairmen worked so hard. I vividly remember at the 1998 Congress of NPP, I supported Akufo-Addo and my father publicly rebuked me and even threatened to disown me for being disloyal to him.

J.A . Kufour might have studied the Northerner very well and effectively exploited how to get his support. It is never easy to influence the Northerner through financial and material gains alone. The Northerner believes in recognition and respect; he likes anyone who would not belittle and demean his customs and tradition including the food he eats; he would trust anyone who respects his ideas and thinking no matter how absurd they are and most importantly will only associate with people who allows him to speak his mind; the Northerner does not easily betray anyone he decides to support.

The story of how these Chairmen struggled, sacrificed their time and resources as well as their spirit to consolidate, advance and improve on the support base of J.A Kufour in the North is well known by party members.. Kufour told the Chairmen he loved Northerners. He backed this with actions by eating their food and drinking their water. He shook hands with them and hugged them. He listened to them and praised them for their wisdom. He slept in their rooms.

I clearly remember as a very young man in 1996, my father Alhaji Mahama Salifu invited me to his room to run an errand for him. I bumped into Kufour deeply sleeping on my father’s sofa. I was in later years told that was not the only time he slept with my father. My father would always organise prayers for Kufour in our Mosque amidst the slaughtering of sheep and cows. He would implore Mallams to pray for Kufour because according to him, Kufour would be the only one who would not forget his people and his district if he ever becomes President. My father sold many of his cows to finance the NPP in Bole and Gonjaland. He would move round all the Gonja constituencies lobbying support for Kufour and the NPP. His cargo trucks were used as campaign vans. In fact he worked so hard that some of his businesses collapsed.

God being so good. Kufour won the 2000 elections thereby keeping alive the hopes of these Chairmen in terms their own development and the development of their people and areas. This was not to be. Kufour disappointed them. Alhaji COP it was rumoured was in a big debt as the as the time he died and it took the efforts of his hardworking children to settle it. Alhaji Imoro Salifu of Upper East never benefitted from his toils before his death. Alhaji Issahaku Abudulai of Upper West suffered a humiliating removal from his position as Chaiman of NPP in the Upper West without the necessary support from Kufour. Alhaji Sabonkudi at a time left the PP out of frustration. He disclosed to people he will never forgive Kufour.

In the case of my father Alhaji Mahama Salifu, I always feel like wailing anytime I visit Bole to see this poor old man. He has suffered a deteriorating health condition resulting in blindness. He resigned as NPP Chairman for Bole-Bamboi in 2007 and has since been in-doors. It is surprising that Kufour whom Alhaji Mahama liked and fought so hard for has never bothered to enquire about him. Many people wonder why Kufour refused to at least assist this man to get good medical attention.

May I say that many of the Chairmen were not in politics to make money or get favours from Kufour but to fight for the development of their areas. Disillusionment with the NPP by these personalities actually cost the party. The NPP's fall from grass to grace is partly traceable to the way Kufour treated certain individuals in the party.

If the NPP is to return to power, it must first re-organize itself and also give its members who were fooled a good reason to continue to work for the party. Presently there is a perception that Kufour did not have the best interest of some key party members at heart. Secondly ex-President J. A. Kufour must apologise to many individual party members who are presently disillusioned and apathetic to the course of the NPP because they were wronged. A party which has lost the confidence of its prominent members and by large their extended families is a party without a future. I rest my case.

NPP's Defeat: The Kufour factor (IV)

2009-04-28T06:00:00.001Z

Before I come to the topic 'how Kufour used Northern NPP Chairmen and dumped them', I would want to discuss two important issues. The first issue is about text messages I receive on daily basis. Some are commending me and revealing many happenings and issues within the NPP (some of which I will not dare write on for the sake of party Unity) while others are anonymous text messages. The second issue is about a statement from the National Chairman of NPP Peter Mac Manu.

Three of the numerous anonymous text messages I received went as follows: "Why is that it is only you Northerners (Ntafo) that are on Kufour's neck. Corrupt Hamid and Stupid Haruna, you are threading on dangerous waters. We will chase you out of NPP like Rawlings did to some ungrateful NDC members." The second reads: Your Akufo-Addo can never be President. He got 49% in the NPP Primaries and 49% in the 1st round of the elections. He got 49% in run-off. His prick is 4.9 inch short. He cannot grow taller than 4.9ft nor can he ever get more than 49% votes. Be careful stupid Zongo Boy". The third one read as follows: "I don't blame you for insulting Kufour. It is because you are 'fucking' an Ashanti girl and has even given birth with her. I even wonder if you are NPP". Dear readers I leave this for you to judge and comment on these messages.

I am not used to replying text messages but I was compelled to reply to the first as follows: "I will not talk about your ethnocentric effusions. I would never insult Kufour but will talk about my party. Anyway I'm not perturbed about all your insults because I have a thick skin for them or else I would not have been able to take on John Mahama and NDC for many years in a constituency like Bole-Bamboi. I faced insults, threats, harassment and all sorts of abuse in the dark days of opposition because of NPP. You remain my friend"

To the second one, I replied as follows: "I am not writing because of support for any individual party member. I once worked for Akufo-Addo as a member of his Communication Committee but now belong to the NPP and not any individuals. In any case I do write on Akufo-Addo too so what is your beef. You remain my friend". To the last one I replied as follows "I do not want to talk about my 'fucking' an Ashanti girl because that is so trivial and inconsequential to me. But on the issue of whether I'm an NPP member or not, I wish to say my records in NPP have been documented. I come from a proper and pure Danquah-Busia family. My grandfather Mr Braimah Salifu was a staunch member of the Northern Peoples Party (NPP) and later the United Party (UP). My father who did many things for Kufour was Youth leader of the Progress Party in Bole and was commended by K.A. Busia for his hard work and financial support to the PP after the party won the Bole (then Gonja West) seat in 1969. My father was also the leader of the Popular Front Party (PFP) in Bole and from 1992 to 2007, Chairman of the NPP in the Bole-Bamboi Constituency. He only resigned because he is suffering from diabetes resulting in blindness and has been in-doors since then. You remain my friend".

Did I hear the leadership of NPP warned that 'it would deal drastically with any party member who will hide behind the so-called post mortem analysis to bring the name of the party into disrepute? I am sending this warning to party members that we shall deal strongly with any member who brings the party’s image into disrepute, Peter Mac Manu, the National chairman of the party said.

According to Mac Manu, since the party is governed by a constitution, the leadership would take punitive action against members found to have misconduct themselves with regards to Article 4 (7) of the party’s constitution. He said that the party has appointed a committee, led by Dr. J. Heyman to go round the country to find out why the party lost the elections. He regretted that instead of people sending their views to the committee, they have rather chosen to go public, thereby ridiculing the party.

The radio and the newspapers are not the place to solve problems. It amounts to misconduct, and if anybody is found culpable, we shall apply the provisions in the constitution without fear or favour, because the party frowns on attempts to bring its name into disrepute.

Mr. Perry Okudzeto, the deputy Communications Director of the party has also said that those who disgrace the party in public must be dealt with according to the dictates of the party’s constitution. He said, it was unfortunate that certain individuals have arrogated to themselves powers to conduct post-mortem analysis of the 2008 painful defeat by blaming other individuals for it.

He warned that the party would not accept any attempt to destroy individuals in the party; including former President Kufuor. He said a proposal would soon be forwarded to the leadership of the party recommending drastic actions to be taken against recalcitrant party members who would undermine the constitution of the party.

The party has structures in place for dealing with grievances, and for any member who unilaterally decides to show gross disrespect to the party must be dealt with accordingly, They said some members of the NPP have attacked the leadership of the party in public, calling for heads to roll over the defeat of the party in the 2008 elections. This, Mr. Okudzeto noted, was in a bad taste. According to him, though NPP believes in entrenchment of democracy, washing its dirty linen in public must be condemned.

To that end, he urged the leadership of the party to take bold and drastic actions against people whose move seem to undermine the unity, fortunes and cohesion of the party, to serve as deterrent to others. The media is not the best place to address our issues. If you have an axe to grind with any party leader, the best way is to properly table it through the party channels, rather than resorting to the media. We cannot fold our arms and watch people sow seeds of discord among us. Those people must be brought to order.

Hmmmmmmm! I have tonnes of things to say on this issue but will for now keep mute because Mac Manu is my man.

Watch out for the concluding part of my features on Kufour.

NPP's Defeat: The Kufour factor (III)

2009-04-25T06:00:00.001Z

I am going to be my irreverent self because as you may be aware, I, your irrepressible Haruna, have a strong weakness of frankness. I also have a thick skin for insults. As for strong language, I must admit that I only try as much as possible to be accurate and a little bit vivid. I do sincerely believe that rather than being gagged for my ideas, I will rather hang myself. I must confess here that sometimes I am possessed with fury. Many people have asked me if I have a personal score to settle with Kufour. The answer could be YES and those who might not understand should go and ask Kufour if the name Alhaji Mahama Salifu of Bole-Bamboi rings a bell. ( I will give the full details in my next feature).

The truth is that ever since the NPP lost power (or gave away power on a silver platter), any attempt to make a post-mortem has been hushed down by the top hierarchy of the party, fearing that such post-mortem will expose the weaknesses of the leadership of the party especially Kufour. Sometimes I shudder to broach this subject of post-mortem because any attempt to do so may be misconstrued to mean mischief.

From this angle, I am sure I am going to provide easy fodder for people who may not understand me very well. At the end of this feature, I know some people will make up their minds to launch a vicious attack. To such people, I will be sorely disappointed if they misinterpret my intention and declare war on elementary truth. I want to assure these people before they continue embark on their attacks that I am broad-minded and spot-on on issues I have always raised. After all, why must we belong to NPP, a party that upholds internal democracy and also listens to critical voices and pens within? The Akans have an adage which says that when you see a bad thing in-between the thighs of your mother, it is not wrong for you to take it away with your "Moses Rod".

Some one even had the audacity to send me a mail asking if I have an innate hatred and disdain for Kufour by "writing all those trash". Another asked if is because I was trained as a Journalist by Gabby Asare Otchere Darko (my mentor) and because Mustapha Hamid is my brother. I just wondered if that person know Gabby very well because I do not think he is what such characters think of him. He tried to offer constructive criticisms and the ills of NPP through his newspaper but was labelled as a traitor, destroyer, an arrogant man and what have you. If Kufour had listened to him, the NPP would have still been in power. As for Hamid, yes he is a Northern brother but we are not related by blood. I am a Gonja and he is Mamprusi. I only admire him for his sacrifices and struggles for NPP in the dark days of opposition.

Sorry I am losing my patience but it is because after the Part (I) and (II) of this feature, some miscreants have called to abuse me. Anyway many others have called to congratulate me for my boldness and frankness. I just think unto us have come the season when NPP members should courageously and fearlessly set down in truth the affairs of the NPP and say it as it is, no matter whose toes are being stepped on. Those who think I am washing the party's dirty linen in public are not conversant with the tradition of the party. I think a strange and dangerous phenomenon that is creeping into NPP is attempts to gag concerned party members who would want to offer constructive criticisms as well as expose the ills of the party.

Some people have told me to spend my energy and brain writing about NDC. Yes I will do that in due course but for now I believe we have to put the NPP on a surgeon table for a post-mortem on why we lost. We should do that with good intensions anyway. It is the only way we will know where to start from in the re-building, reorganisation and re-packaging of the party.

Excuse me for digressing a little but coming to the issue under discussion that is Kufour's Election Year or last minute policies of his government, I would want to start with how Kufour and his cronies handled the Micro Finance and Small Loans Centre (MASLOC) scheme. This was a programme crafted and designed by a hardworking son of this country. For reasons best known to Kufour this gentleman was left out after the programme was finalised. A veterinary doctor was brought to run the programme. While ordinary people were denied access to soft loans to expand their businesses some people were using the largesse of MASLOC to service Kufour’s cronies, devotees and bootlickers, a situation that brought so much disaffection at the grass roots.

Â Kufour's sack of Francis Poku- a former National Security co-ordinator affected the party. This person was an insider within Kufuor's National Security outfit. What serious-minded, smart politician-President would have an open fracas with his National Security capo and, then, have another National Security insider take him on publicly on the eve of a major election. And this is the man some would have us recognize as a great politician!! As one writer puts it 'Mr Poku had a cunning way of getting information from the NDC side. He had spies everywhere. His sacking actually endangered the lives of his moles. Mr Poku had a way of keeping the security rank and file happy. Mr Poku had a way of pre-empting the NDC. He would have found an antidote for the so-called Volta Virus.

NPP lost the election because NPP lost control of the nation's security and the security of the elections. This was where Kufuor did the greatest damage to the party'. Also whoever mooted the idea of a Presidential jet in an election year did a great disservice to the party. Personally, I do not think that was a necessity. It looked like Kufour had forgotten of the effects of the Gulf Stream saga on the NDC. The confusion that arose from numerous inconsistent and contradictory defences did not do any good to the NPP. With the price of crude oil then high with the concomitant hardship, it was simply insensitive if not callous on Kufour’s part to have bought two Presidential Jets. Some of Kufour's actions were not only inexplicable, frankly they looked irrational. I wonder why then opposition Presidential Candidate Professor John Evans Atta Mills was singled out for national honours and it took agitations from NPP members before their candidate Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo-Addo was added to the list. Will President George Bush have done same to Barack Obama before the US elections?

The Presidential Palace (Jubilee House) was the single most important monumental achievement of Kufour in his eight year rule. My problem however was why Kufour was in such a haste to complete it and occupy it (which he did for a month) before leaving office. The NDC painted a picture of a President that did care about the masses but a select few- President, Vice-President, Ministers and other important government appointees.

Talking about Kufour's activities after the 2008 election went into a run-off; I was shocked to the marrow when Ghanaian media widely reported Kufour's 70th birthday celebration. It was done with pomp and pageantry on December 8, when the results of the of the first round of voting the day before it had not been declared. It meant Kufour was not interested in what became of the NPP at the polls. He could have postponed the birthday celebrations till the election was over or celebrate it in a low key way. As if this was not enough certain panic measures of Kufour created disaffection for the NPP nationwide as presented by a popular magazine. For instance Kufour waited till the NPP went into a second round of voting before announcing a long-demanded cut in fuel prices thus eliciting a hugely negative national response. Reducing fuel prices was so ridiculous! It simply annoyed many Ghanaians. The NDC went to the extent of demanding a Gh20 Cedis reduction (when the price was Gh40 Cedis) and promised Ghanaians they will do that if their party is voted into power.

To compound matters, Kufour announced that about 5,000 taxi drivers and other motorists who had been jailed nationwide for failing to pay court fines arising from motor traffic offences were to be released and those who had already paid their fines would get refunds if they presented their receipts to the authorities. Not many taxi drivers and their extended families were impressed. The twist NDC gave to this situation was that, the NPP deliberately jailed the drivers. As a result many of the drivers. Their families and well wishers were not impressed and showed this through voting.

Another damaging announcement was that, government had embarked on an exercise to stop "pair-trawling" by foreign fishing vessels in Ghana's territorial waters. Pair trawling involves the use of two fishing trawlers with a huge net hung between them that scoops every fish -big and small- into the net leaving very little behind for the local fishermen. For months before the December elections, local fishing communities had called on Kufuor to stop the pair trawling as it was hugely detrimental to the local fishing industry. At first Kufour's government claimed it did not have the wherewithal to stop the practice, but when the second round of the Presidential voting was pending, it somehow found the resources- naval boats and helicopters (supposedly donated by the US government) to fight the pair trawlers.

Too late, said the people. The fishing communities along the coast from Axim in the west to Keta in the east. They therefore voted against the in protest at Kufour’s neglect of their concerns.

I am also yet to hear a rational explanation from Kufour for the announcement of salary increases a few hours before exiting office. If indeed he wanted the NPP to retain power, he should have done so two or three months earlier and not after his party had lost the election.

In conclusion, I wish to say that the post-mortem continues, and rightly so. I challenge any NPP member who is privy to the actions of any individual or group’s contribution to the defeat of NPP should bring it into public domain. The NDC did same and came out stronger. If the NPP wants to win power again, it will have to scrutinize itself. The last time we lost power in 1972 it took 28 years to win back. Surely, the NPP would not want a repeat of this history. Watch out for a feature on "How Kufuor used Northern NPP Chairmen and dumped them"

NPP's Defeat: The Kufour factor (II)

2009-04-23T06:00:00.002Z

Continuing with the acts of ex-President J.A. Kufour that contributed immensely to the defeat of the NPP, I have the following to say:

Role in Division within NPP

From day one of Kufour's rule, he divided the NPP into two-"onka ye ho" syndrome. For instance NPP gurus who played significant roles for the party but supported Nana Akufo-Addo during the 2008 Presidential Primaries like Victor Newman, Brigadier Nunoo Mensah, Ferdinand Ayim etc were sidelined in terms of appointments. Others such as Nii Adjiri Blankson, Dr Nyaho Tamakloe were only considered many years later.

Excuse me to say that today the NDC seem united because those who supported Ekow Spio-Gabrah and as a result said all sorts of things against Professor John Atta Mills have been given appointments based on their competence and contribution to the NDC but not their contribution to Atta Mills' success during the NDC primaries that elected him as flag bearer.

Moreover only a few months after being sworn into office in 2001, Kufour brought down Alan Kyerematen from his high ambassadorial perch in the United States to supplant Dr. Kofi Konadu Apraku as Minister of Trade and Industry. The rumour then which later turned out to be true, was that Alan had been brought down to understudy and succeed the President when he finally bows out. In fact Kufour's open support for Alan was ill-timed. Miscalculated and simply uncalled for. It runs parallel to the "Swedru Declaration" made by former President Rawlings, a factor for NDC's defeat in the 2000 election.

That Alan had full Presidential endorsement during the 1997 primaries was never in doubt. What was shocking was how far a President could scheme to topple a man he claimed to have known as a friend for 45 years when everything favoured him. First Kufour and his cronies originated a cocaine smear, a chant that was later picked up and packed by the NDC. Then some Ministers deemed unsympathetic were either reshuffled or booted out and loyal but ineffective and incompetent ones brought in. Worse was to follow with the outright dismissal of some DCE's some of whom were not supporting the 'anointed candidate'.

Neglect of hard working Youth

The NDC has always worked to bridge the generation gap by including its Youth in the governance process of this country. The party believe the effective role of its youth in national development in the future depends on their development today and has therefore always seen the need to build a party that would consider and involve its youth when it comes to decision making. This is sharp contrast to the way Kufour handled the Youth of the NPP. He believed the Youth lack the capacity to engage in any meaningful decision making.

The ability of the Youth of NPP to offer intellectual and physical contribution to the governance process was underrated and not recognised and so by 2008 most NPP youth were disillusioned and apathetic to the cause of the party. What baffles me is that Kufour at 32 worked so hard for the Progress (PP) Party that he was recognised and appointed deputy-Minister by Professor K A Busia.

Politics of Appointments

Kufour's re-appointment of Dr Richard Anane was simply an insult to NPP members and Ghanaians in general. Was no one good enough in the party to be given Anane's position? The man was a damaged goods the moment it came to light he impregnated a woman whilst on government business, ironically an HIV conference. My gripe with Anane then was not about the money that changed hands in this affair. It was about principle and morality

I also cannot fathom why Christine Churcher was fired, and at a time she was chairing an International Conference. Why was a prominent Ga icon such as Peter Ala Adjetey removed as Speaker of Parliament when the man brought so much dignity to Parliament only to bring someone who later brought disgrace to Kufour. As for Dan Botwe, I disclosed to a friend that his appointment was a bait by Kufour to destroy him when he was appointed as Minister of Information. He was simply lured to the Information Ministry from his high-flying position as NPP general Secretary and fired. A very smart move by Kufour. Joseph Adda left the Energy Ministry under a circumstance we are yet to get details on. Kufour as a matter of fact also gave important positions to persons who were not loyal to the NPP and who had no idea about how the party won the 2000 elections.

Added to this is the fact that Kufuor's appointments also lacked regional balance. The NDC used this as propaganda especially in the three Northern Regions and Volta. Besides Ministers and Deputy Ministers, a list of heads of government Institutions and their ethnic origin was circulated by the NDC. I did not understand why a single region had so many cabinet positions. All the situations above created disaffection within the NPP

Frequent Travels Abroad

Kufour’s frequent travels with the incidental benefit of unaccountable imprests annoyed many Ghanaians. While Kufour was gallivanting and gambolling abroad, enjoying all the luxuries of them world Rawlings was campaigning in hot dusty villages across the length and breadth of Ghana. Notwithstanding the dividends these travels brought to the country, the NDC as usual twisted this and rather highlighted the imprests Kufour took from these travels.

Nepotism and cronyism

Kufour was simply nepotism and believes in cronyism. He gave high positions to his own relations. He set up big businesses for his own children. The Anane situation could once again be cited. Why was Addo-Kufour and two others brought back as ministers after they resigned to contest for the NPP flag bearership but the 14 others (besides Nana Akufo-Addo) left out if not for cronyism?

Sale of Ga Lands

No party has ever won an election in the political history of Ghana without winning the Greater Accra Region. Winning Greater Accra meant winning the indigenous Ga communities. The issue of land was central to the 2008 campaign,. The NDC made it a campaign issue by painted the NPP as a government that did not care about Ga interests and therefore shared Ga lands among themselves, friends, cronies and many others that were willing to make a deal.

Lukewarm attitude towards campaign.

At a time Kufour was needed most to give the campaign a boost. he disappeared. In fact he chose to travel to gambol round the world receiving awards and attending banquets. Many NPP members did not understand why Kufour was lukewarm towards the campaign. This was in contrast to how Rawlings campaigned from Region to Region, Constituency to Constituency and hamlet to hamlet.

Watch out for Part (III) which is about Kufour's Election Year or Last minute government Policies.

NPP's Defeat: The Kufour factor (I)

2009-04-20T06:00:00.001Z

When the NPP lost power, millions of Ghanaians were devastated. Tears flowed and hearts were broken. As regrettable as our defeat may be, we need to do a serious diagnosis of why the party lost.

Many party members and stakeholders have since January been giving their view as to why the NPP lost. The party leadership we have been told has set up a committee to look into this issue. Without pre-empting their work I would want to add my views for this painful defeat. I strongly believe ex-President J A Kufour contributed in no small way to the defeat of the NPP. While trying to find other peoples view on this topic, I stumbled on a feature written by Mustapha Hamid a former National Youth Organiser of NPP and former Spokesperson for Nana Akufo-Addo- the 2008 Presidential Candidate of the NPP on his website (www.mustaphamid.net/blog) and it is interesting reading. Under the title 'It is a question of Judgment' he outlined certain judgments former President J A Kufour made that were not in the best interest of the NPP. According to Mustapha Hamid one of the important qualities a person must possess in order to be President is judgement. He explained that a President must judge correctly most of the time if not all of the time, otherwise he or she destroys the aspirations and hopes of the people that he or she leads. He said that in the course of former President Kufour's tenure he was hit by certain controversies which in the future will be central to the verdict that the jurors give on his tenure as President. Mustapha Hamid outlined these judgements as follows:

Judgment Number 1
President Kufuor judged wrongly in allowing his son to buy that hotel. Yes, as a young enterprising Ghanaian, there was nothing wrong with him putting together a consortium of banks to buy a hotel. But this was no ordinary Ghanaian. He was and indeed still is the President’s son. And nobody is deceived that his relationship with the President did not play any part in him obtaining that facility from the banks. At the time that Chief Kufuor bought the hotel, there were a number of more enterprising NPP activists who were striding the stairways of banks looking for ridiculously lower amounts of money to start street corner businesses who did not get a hearing. As for the Presidents public declaration that his son worked with PriceWaterHouse Coopers, the least said about it the better. Until the President said that I did not know that place of work is accepted as collateral for anything. It attracted for him and the NPP a lot of opprobrium. What impression did it leave in the minds of Ghanaians? The President and his family are a cheating, looting lot. It was bad judgment.

Judgment Number 2

President Kufuor judged wrongly in not sacking Anane. Again let me state that Anane did not engage in corrupt practice. Indeed the courts said so. But whether or not we like it Ghanaians had come to the conclusion that somehow or the other Anane had used his office in ways that were unethical. And at a time when Ghana’s ranking on the World Corruption Index was low, President Kufuor needed one tough action to signal his commitment to fighting corruption. The Anane case was his opportunity to do so. He lost it and left a rather wrong impression on the minds of Ghanaians that he condoned or indeed supported corruption. Ghana’s ranking on the World Corruption Index further plummeted. His decision not to sack Anane was bad judgment.

Judgment Number 3
President Kufuor judged wrongly in buying two Presidential Jets in an election year. There is still a pervasive poverty mentality in Ghana. Not just the mentality, but indeed there is pervasive poverty. And in an election year when world oil prices had been unkind to our fragile economy and when a desperate opposition was capitalising on the situation to incite hatred against the government, it was simply bad judgment to order not one, but two Executive Jets.

Judgment Number 4
President Kufuor’s decision to confer an award, the nation’s highest award on himself was bad judgment. It is simply not done. All the time former presidents wait for their successors to come after them to give them awards for their services to the nation. Indeed no one ever marks his own script. But not President Kufuor. He determined that he had done well and proceeded to confer an award on himself. The majority of Ghanaians were appalled. It left only one impression on the minds of Ghanaians: President Kufuor is a self-serving, self-aggrandising President. It was bad judgment.

Judgment Number 5
President Kufuor’s decision to appoint his own advisor to determine his ex-gratia together with others known as article 71 office holders was bad judgment. The public simply saw it as a scratch my back, I scratch your back kind of deal. Was it surprising therefore that the product of that process outraged Ghanaians? It is simply not done. I am sure if some other person had chaired that committee other than Chinery-Hesse but came out with the same result, the response from the public would have been different. It was bad judgment.

Judgment Number 6
When Kufuor was President of Ghana; he deserved all the protection that Ghana could muster. Indeed the constitution decrees that the President of the nation takes precedent over every other citizen. So the President bought an armoured-plated BMW car for his protection. This was not just good judgment, but it was absolutely necessary and crucial. But it was bad judgment to have gone home with the car. There can only be one President at a time. Today, that President is Atta Mills. It is only common-sensical that cars meant for the protection of a President are used for the protection of Atta Mills and Atta Mills only. Logically, the state security apparatus had to go after him to collect it for the President of Ghana. Period!

Judgment Number 7
President Kufuor’s decision not to wait for the new NDC administration to implement his ex-gratia and his decision to appropriate a government bungalow to himself which he has started using as his office is bad judgment. Then we are told that he wrote to the government asking to be allowed to use the facility as his office. But to have gone ahead to start using the office without waiting for the government’s response was bad judgment. Considering the fact that the Kufuor administration had attracted a lot of opprobrium for itself for selling government bungalows to its functionaries, it is bad enough that the President himself is seen to have appropriated one for himself. At least the former President could have found space in his wife’s Mother and Child Foundation office in the mean time or better still rented some temporary place. Perhaps President Mills could have later decided that the house should reimburse him with the cost of the rented office. It was bad judgment.

"The point I have been trying to make by these illustrations is that 'there is a way that seems right unto men, but the end thereof is bad'. In all these cases that I have illustrated, former President Kufuor did nothing wrong, at least in legal terms. But the fact that all these judgments attracted a lot of opprobrium shows how bad those decisions were, judgmentally. It is part of Presidential character to have good judgment. Unfortunately former President Kufuor did not have a lot of it". Mustapha Hamid concluded.

In the Part (II) of this feature, I will touch on other actions of Kufour that I believe contributed to the defeat of NPP, such as his role in the divisions within the NPP; his neglect of hardworking Youth of NPP; Appointments to his government; his frequent travels abroad; his lukewarm attitude towards the 2008 campaign and the Sale of Ga Lands. In the Part (III) I will discuss Kufour's Election Year or Last minute Government Policies and others.

Move to Split Northern Region Inspirational

2009-04-15T06:00:00.001Z

What is needed by Gonjas is Political Unity!

The Gonjaland Youth Association has just held its 33rd Annual Congress at Bole in the Nothern Region. The event which was very colourful was attended by Traditional Rulers from Gonjaland, Politicians, Citizens of the area resident home and abroad as well as people from all walks of life.

Issues discussed included the poor road network of Gonjaland, water problems in some areas educational issues such as poor school enrolment among girls in the area and how best to harness the natural resources in the area for development. Topmost on the agenda was the issue of the carving out of a new region from the present Northern Region.

In response to an appeal by the Gonja Traditional Council to government to expedite action on the long standing proposal to carve another region out of the present Northern region, the Vice- President of Ghana John Dramani Mahama himself a Gonja said a team of experts was to critically assess the process of demarcation and hold consultations with the various stakeholders after which the largest region in the country, the Northern Region, which stretches over a third of Ghana's land mass is to be split into two to enhance easy administration and development.

It was inspirational to hear this from the number two man in the country. The vastness of the land I strongly believe is a major barrier to effective administration, development and conflict resolution. The region needs to be divided for accelerated development and administrative efficiency.

The Northern Region of Ghana is the region that covers the largest piece of land in the country, covering an area of 70,384 sq.km out of Ghana's approximately 237.626 sq.km. It is one of the regions that have the highest number of different ethnic groups with the major ones being Dagombas, Gonjas, Mamprusis, Nanmbas and Kokombas. Tamale the capital of the region has been found in a 1994 survey by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) to be the fastest growing town in West Africa. Notwithstanding this fact, the attention that Tamale gets is not enough to help different parts of the region to grow or develop.

Roads in many parts of the region are very bad and telecommunication, electricity, water, schools and other essential needs are inadequate. In fact many of the districts under the administration of Tamale suffer from neglect. This is borne out when one notices that by any available index of progress and development (education, health, roads etc) Gonjaland for instance comes out extremely poor.

The Northern Region lacks many things especially industrial and economic projects. It needs to be divided so that the limited resources, in the north will be effectively used.

This proposal I urge, should not be made by only people living in the Northern Region or people of northern descent like me, but a national proposal for national development and integration. I believe that breaking the region into two would allow for more creativity, innovation, effective administration and growth for the people of this very big region. As the Vice-President, John Mahama put it 'the people of Gonjaland should not view the need for another region as being only in the interest of Gonjas but as gesture that would ultimately benefit the entire people of Northern Region'.

It is noteworthy that even before assuming the Vice- Presidency of the country and to be specific during the 2005 parliamentary vetting of ministerial nominees, John Mahama then Member of Parliament for Bole-Bamboi asked Hon. Ernest Akubuo Debrah and Boniface Abubakari Sadique who were the outgoing and incoming Northern Regional Ministers respectively about their opinion on this topic. Both nominees were unequivocal on the enormity of the daunting administrative challenges that the sheer size of the region poses to effective governance.

What is more refreshing is the fact that most of the prominent Gonja politicians in other political parties have at a time expressed their resolve to push for the split of the Northern Region. This issue was dear to top most NPP Gonja politicians like Boniface Abubakari Sadik, Alhaji Nurideen Jawula and Adam Zakaria who at several platforms voiced out their concerns about this issue. The Vice-Presidential candidate of the CPP during the 2008 elections Dr Abu Forster Sakara, a Gonja disclosed his intention of seriously making the issue a big agenda for a government of the CPP.

A bi-partisan support of the idea will clear the cobwebs out of the minds of people that a particular government has a vested interest in the whole issue or might be trying to take credit. Yes the credit will go any government that creates a region but I am of the opinion Gonjas from all parties must be involved.

It is in view of this, I observed with disquiet and disappointment how the election of new National Executive of the Gonjaland Youth Association at Bole was politicised.

Members of the Greater Accra Branch decided to vie for some positions. In fact they really organised very well as this particular meeting to me saw the greatest number of Gonjas resident in Accra attending. The person that was selected from Greater Accra to contest as President was Alhassan Baba Darison an officer at the Internal Revenue Service-Headquarters. He was the preferred choice of many delegates because of his organisational acumen and ability to raise funds for any course that he believes in as well as his youthfulness. As Chairman of the Greater Accra branch of the association from 2003 to 2007, he did a lot for the association. Gonjas resident in Accra successfully celebrated many Damba festivals and also embarked on a lot of developmental activities.

Those from Kumasi, Sunyani, Techiman and other southern branches supported the idea of an Accra man leading the association because the last time a person from southern Ghana led the association was in 1986. When all was set for Darison to be elected as President, the political conspiracies began. Darison is NPP and so should not lead an association that has majority of its members including the Vice-President as NDC members.

The first move to derail Darison's ambition was started by a prominent traditional ruler (name withheld). He issued a fiat that the elections be suspended for no reason except that an NPP man was on the verge of winning as we were told by an equally prominent Chief of Gonjaland. This fizzled out as the issue nearly resulted in confusion because the branches insisted the elections be conducted. The next move was when an NDC former Regional Minister lead a delegation to prevail on Darison to step down, a situation that was so ridiculous to me. When he declined to step down he was accused of arrogance and disrespect for the elderly. Meanwhile propaganda was at work. Word went round that Darison had stepped down for the eventual winner Mr. Bakari Nyari, a member of the Council of elders of the association. I wonder if this man at 59 is the best to lead an association for the Youth.

In fact when a Journalist friend from Accra asked of my age and I mentioned it, he was surprised making me feels embarrassed. If not for political expediency how can an elder of an association turn out to be the leader?

I have a strong believe that it is only in political unity that Gonjas could succeed in lobbying for the creation of the region which is so dear to every well meaning Gonja. There should be a bi-partisan approach to the issue or else it is going to be a mirage

Is Alan Qualified to contest as NPP flag bearer?

2009-04-05T06:00:00.001Z

Questions must be raised about the eligibility of Mr John Alan Kwadjo Kyeramaten should he make up his mind to contest the flag bearership of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) at the next Congress of the party.

Article (12) Section a Clause 1 of the NPP Constitution states “The election of the Party’s Presidential Candidate shall take place at National Congress held not later than twenty-four (24) months from the date of the National Election"

Clause 4 of the same Article states "No member shall be entitled to nomination as the Party's Presidential Candidate unless he or she'.

(i) Is a known and active Member of at least five (5) years."

By the former provision, the latest the NPP could organise a Congress to elect a Presidential Candidate is December 2010. Considering this, Alan Kyeremateng is technically disqualified having resigned as a Member of the NPP in April 2008 and returning in May, 2008. From May 2008 to December 2010 would be three (3) years meaning Alan would be short of two (2) years to meet the requirement that says 'No Member shall be entitled to nomination as the Party's Presidential Candidate unless he or she is a known and active Member of at least five (5) years'.

Meanwhile unlike the selection of Parliamentary Candidates where in appropriate cases the, the National Executive, in consultation with the Regional and Constituency may dispense with the requirement on the number of years a candidate should be a known active Member, it is not same for the selection of a Presidential Candidate. The National Executive Committee in this case cannot dispense with this requirement.

Alan's resignation from NPP caused a lot of sensation in the party. At a meeting, involving President John Agyekum Kufuor, NPP National Chairman Peter Mac Manu, Nana Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyerematen, resolved that the failed Presidential aspirants concerns be looked into by an ad hoc committee.

It was also agreed at the so called reconciliation meeting that Mr Kyeremanteng’s letter of resignation would only take effect after the committee’s sitting. But I see that to be bizarre. Apolitical party is an association and under the laws of the country, one either joins or walks out of an association. How can the party then say his resignation was put on hold?

I was more surprised when Mr Kyerematen was told to write details of his complaints, which revolves around allegations that several of his supporters had been unfairly treated after the Congress. This was even after several party members have come out to deny this.

Recently a group calling itself "Friends of Alan Cash Campaign" and led by Joseph Boakye-Kwakwa in said they had launch a campaign to build a support base and also rally behind the bid of Alan Kyeramaten for the flag bearership of the NPP for the 2012 elections. The stated objectives of the group according to Mr Boakye-Kwakwa are to resist any attempt to retain Nana Akuffo-Addo as the NPP's flag bearer.

Again the group only last week issued a statement that Alan Kyerementeng will contest the 2012 Congress of the NPP flag bearership slot. They also claim the defeat of the NPP in the last election was due to the carelessness and negligence of the Party Executive and Campaign Managers, who threw away political power on a silver platter without a fight. According to them the whole of management and communication of the party was a failure and that the party had failed to maintain power in spite of the financial, material and human resources.

These statements have the tendency to bring division into the party because it is premature to be talking about who leads the NPP. While the leadership are seriously working to keep the party united and to also strengthen the party's structures across the country, Kwakwa and his group are more interested in Alan Kyeremateng leading the party when he is not after all qualified.

Rejoinder: Is Nana Akufo-Addo Fit To Be President?

2009-03-31T06:00:00.003Z

I have read with surprise and sadness a feature that appeared on the ever popular Ghanaweb on the 31st March 2009 under the caption "Is Akufo-Addo fit to be President"? It is my style not to respond to features on Ghanaweb since many people have their reservations to some features I also write to the same site, but the many allegations and fallacies concocted by S. L. Oklu should not pass without any reaction especially since they were targeted at no mean a person than Nana Akufo-Addo. The invectives and innuendos of Oklu hurled at Nana Akufo-Addo in a reckless abandon, without decorum and deference to the 2008 flag bearer of a great party like NPP demands a reaction.

Oklu said in paragraph two; "Now, to my question: Is Nana Akufo Addo Fit to be President? In my opinion he is not qualified to assume the highest office of the land. The reason being that he lacks the qualities of a good leader". What is Oklu talking about? Does he know what constitute leadership?

Leadership is about people- how to lead people to achieve desired outcomes. It is about carrying people along; it is about vision; a leader organises, motivates and leads people to achieve beneficial results. A leader must have charisma-essential to motivate and inspire people to support his course. Which of these does Nana Akufo-Addo lack?

He was born a leader and this is manifested in his many leadership roles even before becoming flag bearer of NPP. He is one of the few lawyers with economist brains and as such has a good appreciation of the needs of our dear Nation. Whether Oklu like it yes or not, Nana Akufo-Addo has a Presidential mien and solid track record of credentials and achievements that can be equalled if not surpassing all the leadership of his party including the President John Evans Atta Mills.

Oklu do not want to know the performance of then Vice-President Atta Mills as Chairman of the Economic Management Team of the first NDC government between 1997 to 2007. Even now how good is President Atta Mills performing ever since Ghanaians mistakenly gave him their mandate to steer the affairs of this country. I would for now not bother myself with all facts I have on the performance of this government but will do so at a later time. I also find it difficult to understand the basis of Oklu's assertion that "Nana Akuffo Addo was one individual among the lot that was given the best opportunity to prove, assert and to distinguish himself but failed woefully. First, he was appointed the Attorney General and Minister for Justice. What happened? With arrogance and nasty pride, he was just in a rush to jail Tsatsu Tsikata but only to realize he was dealing with the wrong man". What an ignoramus?

I know many people have passed similar comments in the past, but I believe it was out of ignorance or sheer mischief. How can this little mishap over the Tsatsu Tsikata case when Nana Akufo-Addo was the Minister of Justice and Attorney General is a yardstick to judge his performance. It is true a straight comparison between Ministers and Ministries was used by my own party members who were interested in becoming Presidential Candidate to make their case. In fact some easily pin-pointed tangible developmental projects from their ministries to buttress their achievements. That was unfair because some ministries deal more with co-ordination issues rather than landmarks of achievements.

What about the Repeal of the Criminal Libel Law and the setting up of the National Reconciliation Commission. The Reforms of the Legal System at the Ministry of Justice, prominent amongst them being the establishment of the New Commercial Court and the Business Law Division of the Justice Ministry.

Oklu wrote "Nana Akufo-Addo was removed from the Ministry of Justice to the Ministry of foreign Affairs. At the Foreign Affairs, what can he be remembered for? The only thing that comes to mind is the withdrawal of courtesies due ex-President Rawlings for the mere reason that he (Rawlings) was criticizing the then government".

This is an unfortunate statement. Anyway I will not begrudge him for talking about courtesies to former President Rawlings because that issue is inconsequential to me. However I think Oklu should be educated on what Nana Akufo-Addo can be remembered for at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During his tenure as Foreign Affairs Minister, Ghana became a Member of the UN Security Council through his instrumentality. Oklu must be told Kufour became ECOWAS and then AU Chairman under Akufo-Addo.

May be Oklu is also unaware that Nana Akufo-Addo worked so hard to strengthen the economic Relations between Ghana and the rest of the World. He won new friends for Ghana resulting in the country gaining access to financial facilities such as Debt Relief and Increase in Aid. The projection and enhancement of the image of Ghana as stable functioning democracy governed by the rule of law and as an attraction investment destination with a market driven economy of sound fundamentals and a firm determination to achieve a middle income status, a situation the NDC government is benefiting from now would be attributed to the good works of Nana Akufo-Addo.

Oklu naively went on, "It is about time we told those who want rule us that arrogance and pettiness cannot be tolerated. In other words, characters and traits that are inimical to democracy will not be allowed".

Is this a fairer assessment of a man who was given this arrogance tag by Oklu's party, the NDC? If Oklu had the chance of meeting Nana Addo one- on- one, he would revise his notes on this arrogance perception'. In fact Nana Addo is one of the simplest contemporary politicians one could come across despite his privileged upbringing. Even Kofi Coomson who once said he would not be able to sleep if Nana Addo becomes President rejected the 'arrogance tag' on him during the interview he passed that unfortunate comment. It is my considered opinion that many people substitute "self confidence" for "arrogance". Nana Akufo-Addo is able to mix maximally with different kinds of people-youth, women, the old, privileged and under-privileged.

In fact my first direct contact with Nana Akufo-Addo was at the Sunyani Congress of NPP in 1998 when as a very young politician, was one of those who strongly supported him to become the party's flag bearer. At a meeting with delegates he clearly outlined his vision and also interacted with all those at meeting without an iota of arrogance. Ever since I have always kicked against this unfounded perception.

I was a member of his Communication Committee for the 2007 Presidential Primaries from March 2007 to July 2007 and used to admire the way he conducted himself at our meetings. He allowed each and every one of us to make our points without imposing his ideas on us. He is a good listener and would never reject the contribution of any of us but will always say 'let’s modify your point to such and such way'.

Oklu was at his hypocritical best when he said, "Those who are of the view that ex-President Kufour did not offer much help to Nana Akufo-Addo to win the Presidential seat have got it all wrong. I do not know if they expected the ex-President to hold his hand and put him on the seat". What a childish statement?

No one expected Kufour to hold Akufo-Addo's hands like a baby and put him on the seat. In any case I wonder why an NDC man should meddle in the affairs of NPP by playing one leader against the other forgetting that the leaders of his party NDC are at the moment clutching at each other’s throats to show who is who in their government. Oklu should address the tantrums of NDC's "Co-President Jerry John Rawlings". Those who want to remove the mots in the eyes of others must first remove the logs in their own eyes.

I should have ignored Oklu on this issue but since he once again exhibited crass ignorance on why some NPP members are genuinely peeved with Kufour over our defeat, I am tempted to tell him this;

At a time Kufour was needed by the party to campaign from Region to Region, Constituency to Constituency and hamlet to hamlet, he chose to gambol round the world receiving accolades and awards including one at Liberia. He also failed to either campaign with the flag bearer or alone but went round commissioning 'Old Projects'.

This is another scenario;

Issah Ketekewu, a crony of Kufour and then Deputy Minister of Northern Region was ill and bed-ridden for three years- 2006 to 2008, and could therefore not perform his functions properly. There were calls for his replacement since the Northern Region is so huge that several Ministers have bemoaned the enormity of the daunting political and administrative challenges this amorphous and unwieldy region that is about ten times the size of Greater Accra region poses but Kufour was unperturbed till Ketekewu died in June 2008 thereby setting the stage for another person to take over.

Names like Issahaku Kotomah, a University of Middlesex- London trained brilliant young man, James Kipo Sunyezi, an intelligent young man and former DCE for Sawla-Tuna-Kalba as well as Haruna Bismark Dari, a former DCE for East Gonja came up for consideration but Kufour was adamant and this position became unbelievably vacant for seven good months. The resultant effect was that NPP lost all six Gonja seats because the NDC campaigned that Kufour hates Gonjas. Who is to be blamed for this negligence? I could go on and on but will stop because I am in a hurry to send this reaction. Finally let me sound a note of caution to Oklu that he should never ever write such amateurish arguments as to the fitness of Nana Akufo Addo in becoming President of Ghana or else I meet his writings with the necessary reactions.

NPP Youth Should Not Rise Up In Defence of Kufuor

2009-03-31T06:00:00.001Z

I have been following the debate regarding the retirement benefits of former President J. A. Kufuor. Many groups and individuals within the New Patriotic party (NPP) have condemned the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government for harassing, intimidating and humiliating the former President.

First was a group calling itself the GaDangme Forward Movement, they jumped to the defence of former President Kufuor, over the controversy that surrounded his acquisition of an office facility located at Ridge. According to this group, the tantrums of the GaDangme Youth about the use of public property as the office of the ex-President smacks of hypocrisy and political motivation.

They also saw the action of the so called GaDangme Youth, as parochial, politically motivated and unfortunate because it lacks merit and had no legal basis. The Forward Movement explained that the GaDangme Youth cannot speak for the silent majority of the GaDangme chiefs and youth because they did have their mandate.

The minority NPP in Parliament also registered their displeasure over what they described as the unacceptable way the government was handling the issue. The NDC was accused by the minority of orchestrating a campaign to vilify and persecute former President J. A. Kufuor. Another group, claiming to be the Leading Members of the NPP in Ashanti, expressed worry over the current unproductive behaviour and utterances of certain groups, with regard to the acquisition of an office by the former President.

One group, however, that has been silent on the matter, is the Youth of the New Patriotic Party. The question as to whether the youth should rise up in defence of our former President is being debated in many circles within the youth wing. It is a truism that the NPP is a great party, with politically savvy and active youth all over the country, who many have argued should have been on the streets by now, demonstrating against this persecution and campaign by the NDC to vilify and persecute him.

On the contrary, I am of the opinion that we the Youth of NPP should not worry ourselves over whatever is happening to former President Kufuor, with regards to his end of service benefits. We should rather take the lead in reorganising, restructuring and repackaging the party to look attractive to the Ghanaian youth who do not want to subscribe to the ideals and philosophy of the NPP.

The issue of the NDC government persecuting a former President over his "end of service benefits," to me, is inconsequential and trivial, and must therefore be disregarded. I would implore former President Kufuor cronies, bootlickers and devotees, to fight against those tarnishing his image and hard won reputation. It should not be a matter of concern for the whole party.

I know some of our youth may question my call on the NPP youth not to rise up in defence of Kufuor, but I put it to them that as a youth activist, who has worked so hard for the party since its formation (without recompense), I believe I have a legitimate right to state an idea bordering on the youth of my party.

My opinion has nothing to do with support for any perceived faction within the NPP nor trying to be a whiner, but a genuine concern at moving the party to greater heights, by not allowing an issue about Kufuor’s "end of service benefits" to determine the biggest agenda for the party.

This was a President who proclaimed he had a vision of equal opportunities for all party members, regardless of age. He also claimed to be a President who does not forget all those who were part of its history. I can dare say that the ability of the youth of NPP to offer intellectual and physical contribution to the governance process was underrated and not recognised by former President Kufuor. He held the view that the youth lack the capacity to engage in any meaningful decision-making.

In fact, when the NPP came to power in 2000, it was alleged that then President J. A. Kufuor disclosed to close confidants that he did not believe in the wisdom of the youth, especially anyone that his son Chief Kufuor was older than. He therefore failed to appoint any of the younger personalities, who were part of the history and struggle to win power for the party, into any responsible position.

They were rejected, neglected and totally left out of all matters of governance, a sharp contrast to what President Atta Mills is currently doing. I vividly remember the thousands of TESCON members who were sent to parts of the country that were 'unfriendly' to the NPP. Some were harassed, beaten and maimed. The hundreds of youth who worked all over the country have their stories to tell. Notwithstanding these efforts, they were totally left out of the scheme of things. A situation, I believe, affected the party's fortunes in the last election.

What baffles me is the fact that former President Kufuor, at thirty two years, was made a Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs by then Prime Minster K. A. Busia, and I believe this catapulted him into the Presidency in later years. Kufuor failed to realise that the youth would have been those to provide a solid line of defence against what is happening to him now, as the NDC youth did when there was a perception that former President Jerry John Rawlings was being persecuted, when the NDC was in opposition.

I repeat that the youth of NPP should not be concerned with an unproductive and unnecessary demonstration in defence of Kufuor, but instead, be working towards rebuilding the party to win future elections. I also reason in line with those who are saying that whatever that is happening to Kufuor now, would not affect the fortunes of the NPP. In fact, I am blissful the debate has been limited to "Kufuor’s end of service benefits" and not “NPPs end of service benefits".

We should not waste our time on such an anti-youth former President from our party!

Should all NPP Members elect the Party's Presidential Candidate?

2009-03-26T06:00:00.000Z

There appears to be a consensus on the need for some changes to the constitution of the NPP especially after the party lost the recent national elections.

The most contentious amendment proposal that is expected to dominate the special conference in May this year will be whether all party members should vote to elect a presidential candidate or not.

At the 2003 National Delegates conference of the NPP at Cape Coast, delegates unanimously rejected the constitutional amendment proposal that all card-bearing members of the party should be eligible to vote to choose the candidate.

According to the Party's General Secretary, Nana Ohene Ntow, one of the major proposals on the drawing board for some time now and which will be critically and rigorously looked at, will be a proposal to amend the constitution to increase the electoral college of the party.

He also explained that it has become necessary for the party to amend that part of the constitution to avoid the temptation of people seeking to lead the party in various positions to influence the delegates through material and financial means.

Even before the secretary of the party gave this hint, a debate had already begun. Some party members are of the opinion that, while the proposal may give a significant boost to the party’s democratic credentials, it is seen by some as a most unusual practice in the nomination of flag bearer for even parties in long established democracies like the United Kingdom and the United States of America.

At the moment Article Six (6) of the of the NPP constitution states:
The Party’s Presidential candidate shall be elected by the National Congress, which shall comprise the following delegates;
(i) Ten (10) delegates from each constituency
.( ii) One representative of the Founding Members from each Region;
(iii) One (1) representative of the Patrons from each constituency,
(iv) One (1) representative of each Overseas Branch of the party that is entitled to send a representative to the National Delegates Conference.

A section of the members of the party claim this is not representative enough considering the large following of the party.

They also contend that it is easy to influence the 2,300 plus few delegates with monetary and material inducements which invariably affects voting patterns unduly as happened during the 2007 Presidential Primaries.

They therefore propose that all card-bearing members be allowed to vote so as to make it difficult for candidates to influence delegates with money and other goodies.

There is a feeling among these party members that the number of delegates to the NPP congresses to elect Presidential Candidates is too small and this tends to make it possible for people seeking to lead the party to manipulate delegates through financial and material means.

They also explain it tends to weaken the democratic values of the party.
However, members of the party who are against this proposal are of the view that the NPP is trying to bite more than it can chew because considering the large number of votes, the party would be saddled with a huge financial burden and logistic difficulties.

Superficially the idea looks great according to those against the expansion and will no doubt fully thumbprint the NPP as a party of true democracy but will be pre-mature.

One explained that there could be a scenario in which a rival party with money to spend and plenty of willing conspirators on the ground could go as well as even sponsoring a Presidential candidate for the NPP by sponsoring and planting enough of its members in the NPP by buying membership and playing a decisive role in swinging the vote one way or the other.

Also, it allows the constituency executive committee to potentially inflate membership one way or the other.

The expansion of the Electoral College will lead to a high cost of running campaigns one explained. Funds to organise rallies, posters and other party paraphernalia like 'The shirts, caps as well as advertisements- bill boards, television, newspapers and radio should bother all party members, he emphasised.

In my opinion, even if the sanctity of the process can be guaranteed, the job is geographically as large as holding a national election. The cost will mean diverting a large chunk of the party’s funds and energy not to fight the national election but to contest an intra-party election.

There is also a smack of democratic hypocrisy about the whole idea of all party members voting. As things stand now delegates for the election of officers at various levels of the party’s organisation are still steeped in the old tested concept of electoral colleges.

For national executive elections, only five (5) delegates from each constituency are eligible to vote and for Regional executive elections only four (4) delegates from each of the constituencies within the region are eligible to vote.

This means that apart from Polling Station elections where all card-bearing and paid-up members in good standing in the Polling Station Area shall vote, the same cannot be said of elections at all other levels.

An NPP Member of Parliament has gone to the extent of arguing for the expansion of the electoral colleges at all levels of election including Parliamentary primaries of the NPP.

According to him, the NPP must do away with the system whereby constituency and polling station executives in the main form the majority delegates who would vote for Parliamentary candidates.

He said even before we get to the stage of electing parliamentary candidates we must also expand the electoral college of electing constituency

He bemoaned the situation whereby the select few who elect parliamentary candidates always wait for four years to await bribes from those aspiring to be parliamentary candidates.

He also explained that with an electoral college of between hundred (100) and two hundred (200) delegates, it is not difficult for aspirants to give out flat screen television sets; mobile phones; plus cash or as much as GHÂ¢ 2,000 per delegate to influence them. Can a person do that to as many as 3,000 delegates? he questioned.

"I suggest that we use the end of 2008 as the cut off for paid -up members to be eligible to vote in their constituencies. The cut off date is very important, to avoid a situation where a clever opposing political party can let its members register and pay up as dummy NPP delegates and eventually elect a politically weaker Presidential candidate he emphasised.

While it will be necessary to test the popularity of Presidential nominees on a much larger scale than currently is the case, more care must be taken regarding the party’s readiness for such an exercise. I agree that the present pool of delegates needs to be increased.

An upward figure of between 15,000 to 30,000 will be strong enough to test the national support commanded by the contestants. But how this can be achieved must be worked out.

I propose that Article Six (6) of the constitution of the NPP be amended completely to read as follows:

The Party’s Presidential candidate shall be elected by the National Congress, which shall comprise the following delegates
(i) All Polling Station Chairmen in each Constituency;
(ii) All Members of the Executive Committee in each Constituency;
(iii) All Members of the Executive Committee in each Region;
(iv) All Members of Parliament;
(v) All past Regional Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(vi) All past Constituency Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(vii) All Members of the National Executive Committee;
(viii) All past National Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(ix) All Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives who are members of the party when it is in Government;
(x) All former Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives who are members of the party when it is not in Government;
(xi) All Ministers, Deputy Ministers who are members of the party when it is in Government;
(xii) All former Ministers, Deputy Ministers who are members of the party when it is not in Government;
(xiii) Five members of TESCON from each selected University, Polytechnic or Tertiary Institution;
(xiv) Ten representatives of each overseas Branch of the party that is entitled to send a representative to the National Delegates Conference;
(xv) All Members of the National Council of Elders, Members of the Finance Committee, Constitutional Committee, Disciplinary Committee, Organisation Committee, Research Committee and Vetting Committee;
(xiv) Twenty Members from the Communication Directorate;
(xvii) The incumbent President and all former Presidential Candidates of the Party in good standing.

I believe this will prevent aspirants from manipulating delegates through financial and material means. It will also make room for representation from every nook and cranny of the country as well as a broad spectrum of the party’s stakeholders.

At the last Congress in 2007, there were situations in which husbands, wives, close family relations and cronies were selected as delegates at the detriment of the larger party.

This idea is also to add more delegates to the current pool in order to push the number to a more appreciable and respectable one, where it would be difficult for candidates to influence the voting patterns of delegates with money and other goodies and as well eliminate all inconveniences and risks involved in transporting delegates to a single town or city.

One advantage is that it will do away with the huge cost involved in organising Congresses.

To conclude, I wish to add that this will be feasible and easy to work out. The election will be conducted at the constituency level. The Electoral Commission will be notified of the date of the Primaries.

Time for opening the ballots after voting could be fixed at 5.00pm. Candidates will recruit 230 agents to monitor the elections at the constituency level. Where it involves reading of Manifestos, a representative of the candidate will do so on voting day at the constituency level.

Role of Journalism in the Development of Ghana.

2009-03-18T06:00:00.001Z

As a trained Journalist who is interested in the contribution of journalism towards Ghana's development, I have been rummaging through books and other areas of intellectual discourse on this issue.

Also fortunate to have been taught at the Ghana Institute of Journalism (GIJ) by renowned Mass Communication experts and seasoned Journalists such as Kwaku Rockson- Acting Director, GIJ, Yaw Boadu- Ayeboafoh- former editor and now General Manager newspapers of Daily Graphic, Boakye-Dankwa Boadi- deputy editor Ghana News Agency (GNA)-Head Office, Isaac Newton- Former Director GIJ, Mr Fritz Andoh- editor Catholic Standard, and George Sarpong- Executive Director, National Media Commission (NMC); I have come to appreciate the role of journalism in national development.

The role of journalism entails a significant obligation and responsibility, the discharge of which requires journalist to have high ethical standards and to practice sound professional journalism with intelligence, accuracy, objectivity and fairness all aimed at developing people and subsequently nations. The media as whole is expected to be well-focussed on development issues, educating the public and entertaining instead of turning itself into an instrument of blackmail, intimidation, tyranny and an agent of confusion, conflicts, anarchy and chaos.

Although Chapter 12 Article 162 Clause 4 of the 1992 constitution states "Editors and publishers of newspapers and other institutions of mass media should not be subject to control or interference by Government nor shall they be penalized or harassed for their editorial opinions and views on the content of their publications", I am of the opinion that events elsewhere especially on the African continent should be a guiding principle to Ghanaian Journalists who prefer to be interested in reporting on divisive political issues, ethnicity and religious differences.

Every country has its Ethnic and Tribal values which Journalist must at all times respect. Article six of the Ghana Journalist Association Code of Conduct states 'A journalist should not originate material which encourages discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, colour, creed, gender or sexual orientation". Likewise the National Media Commission hand out on broadcasting standards states, "Broadcast programmes should avoid all indecency and incitement to ethnic, religious or sectional hatred and disaffection". There have been several instances elsewhere in which irresponsible journalism have brought wars, conflicts, confusion, chaos and anarchy instead of development.

In Rwanda, newspaper articles especially those of Hassan Ngeze of the 'Kangura' newspaper as well as inciting propaganda messages from 'Radio Mille Collins', a Hutu dominated Radio station led to the genocide in that country. The Nigerian civil war was sparked by 'Radio Bamenda' in Northern Cameroon after a broadcast that a Hausa/Fulani man had been killed at the Enugu Railway Station in Eastern Nigeria dominated by the Ibos. The Hausas in Northern Nigeria especially those in Kano then attacked 'Sabonjida' a suburb of Kano dominated by the Ibos

This brought mayhem and the consequence was the desertion of then Military Governor of Kano, Colonel Chumeka Odumegu Ojukwu from the Nigerian army to lead to lead a seceded Biafra.

Also in the same Nigeria a report from "This Day" newspaper filed by a female journalist by name Isioma Daniel which said Prophet Mohammed (SAW) would have chosen one of the ladies as wife after watching a Miss World Beauty Pageant which was to be staged in Nigeria resulted in Muslims rioting living about one hundred people dead.

In our own country some people have blamed the media for hyping the Dagbon conflicts as well as others like the Nanumba/Kokomba, Bawku and the Ga chieftaincy conflicts. The media has also been blamed for the rise of the political temperature in the country especially during periods of election as well as the numerous incidences of lawlessness and disrespect for authority. The perceived bad blood between some major ethnic groups in the country some say is being fuelled by the Ghanaian media. What about the cocaine issues being reported on daily basis especially when then previous government was in power?

The above examples should enable Ghanaian Journalist to consider properly the range of ethical values at stake and be in the best position to make the most appropriate personal decision having considered all the benefits and consequences. Every responsible Journalist should know that matters involving Chieftaincy, Land dispute, Religion and Ethnicity inflame passion. When it comes to these, emotions rather than reason take over.

As indicated earlier, a major role of journalism is to focus on development issues. The question we must ask ourselves today is whether journalism is doing this role in our country?

Ghanaian Journalists face the stiff challenge to change the sometimes-negative perception of Ghana. They must report enough and accurately about Ghana. Ghanaian Journalists have the challenge to report very extensively the good happenings and successes in the country. They must develop in themselves a sense of patriotism and pride in their Ghanaians, success stories and the many endeavours in national development.

I am not suggesting that bad things should not be reported. I am suggesting that in reporting on the bad things which is their duty to do, Ghanaian Journalist must exercise discretion on the material they report on in particular they must report on what is useful and relevant for the development and well being of their country and its people bearing in mind that the reporting of irrelevant and bad happenings for their own sake is damaging to the country's image and reputation and should therefore not get undue prominence.

It is the role of Ghanaian journalist to assist in restoring the lost confidence of people in the country by focusing on their achievements however small instead of their failures only and on good government polices to encourage strong leadership and good governance instead of blaming government leadership all the time for any failure.

Ghanaian Journalist have a duty to recognise the many transformations and economic reforms and successes and report them to give hope to Ghanaian people that it is possible to transform the country to great economic development and prosperity. They should also sensitise Ghanaians to change their mindsets from negative thinking to positive thinking- that they have the power to transform their lives and economy, instead of always thinking that they are unable and that they need to be help by foreigners.

Ghanaians especially the youth would like and need to emulate role models. Often the roles models they see, hear about and know are foreigners outside Ghana who have been made prominent by Journalists in Ghana. There are many role models in Ghana- in the field of Business, Science and Technology, Manufacturing and Commerce, Aviation, Sports and even Journalism but these are little known. At times Ghanaian Journalists are reluctant to recognise these role models and have treated them with indifference and even assisted in dismantling them.

It is my deep conviction that Ghanaian Journalist should pay tribute to those people who have been instrumental in creating achievements and in making good things happen. This will assist in creating role models to whom the youth and the many people aspiring to assist positively in their development of their nations can look forward to.

Journalist should use the power of the media positively to promote Ghanaian family and cultural values. They should help Ghanaians to see Ghana through their own eyes for the beauty is in the eyes of the beholder.

The Executive chairman, N and PP media of Tanzania, Reginald Mengi delivered a paper on the "Challenges of Journalism in Africa" at the CNN African Journalist of the year 2005 Awards in Nairobi Kenya. He noted, "Africa is fighting an Economic War. In this war African journalist have a big role to fulfil in supporting their nations and governments. In particular if journalists report objectively about the bad in a balanced way and reports more positively and assist in the exploitation of the good for a way forward, they would be fulfilling a big role in improving foreign investor perceptions"

He continued, "African media counter-reporting of foreign media's prejudiced and biased reporting on African is key to improving foreign investor perceptions whatever the leadership and good governance, whatever the structural reforms and economic growth, whatever political and social stability foreign investor perception will not change if the African journalists do not adequately , extensively, and prominently report on African success and achievements inputs to the international community, In this economic war, African journalists should make journalism a partner with and not an adversary of government leadership".

In Ghana, the voice of the rural poor are not mostly heard. A large population of people who live in rural areas cannot tell their stories because they are not reached by journalist. They are voiceless, it is the duty of journalist to go to the rural areas to collect information and to learn about the hard work being done there and the many successes of these hardworking people and to give sufficient coverage of these efforts and the problems they face.

People must adequately be informed about national disasters, campaigns against the spread of epidemics and currently HIV/AIDS, and wanton degradation of the environment. These issues are of global concern and cannot be dealt with effectively without the inducement of our currently un-informed majority who also happen to suffer the scourges the most.

The creation of a new Region out of Northern Region

2009-03-12T06:00:00.002Z

A case for accelerated development and administrative efficiency.

The Northern Region of Ghana is the region that covers the largest piece of land in the country, covering an area of 70,384 sq.km out of Ghana's approximately 237.626sq. km. It is one of the regions that have the highest number of different ethnic groups with the major ones being Dagombas, Gonjas, Mamprusis, Nanmbas and Kokombas. Tamale the capital of the region has been found in a 1994 survey by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) to be the fastest growing town in West Africa. Notwithstanding this fact, the attention that Tamale gets is not enough to help different parts of the region to grow or develop.

The Director of the University of Ghana Centre for International Affairs (LECIA), Professor Kofi Kumado who proposed the creation of ten additional regions to facilitate efficient administration and reduce conflicts between majority and minority ethnic groups in some of the existing regions in the country at one of Golden Jubilee lectures also said that most of the current regions were too big to be administered by one Regional Minister and that the chunk of the resources allocated to the regions went to the Regional capitals and surrounding towns to the neglect of remote towns and villages.

The foremost justification that I therefore find in the call for the creation of a new region out of the present Northern Region is the limited attention given to the development needs of other parts of the region. Infrastructure development projects by central government such as roads, water and telecommunication network, primary health care and educational facilities in the other parts of the region appear not to have been given the kind of importance like Tamale.

For fear that we may end up like African French speaking countries, where only their capital towns are developed and rest of the people living under deplorable conditions, I suggest that the Northern Region be divided into at least two regions to speed up development at the grassroots level and further enhance the decentralization process so that each part will handle their problems.

The Northern part of Ghana is unique in many ways and would need a different approach, an accelerated development plan that would make it like other parts of the country. By doing this, we can make this part of the country attractive to people to settle as well as do business. The Northern Region lacks many things especially industrial and economic projects. It needs to be divided so that the limited resources, in the north will be effectively used.

Too many demands from different ethnic and pressure groups through the same regional office can sow seeds of discord which could result into ethnic disharmony. The uneven development or inequitable distribution of development projects in the Northern Region is one reason for ethnic groups antagonizing each other. Each ethnic group believes that some others are oppressing or sabotaging their development efforts.

I think that the Northern Region is too big to be controlled from Tamale; it is too big to be one administrative division. The reason some regional ministers in the past considered the region as ungovernable. It needs to be divided into two manageable regions in place of this one amorphous and unwieldy region.

If all the boundaries of Gonjaland alone for instance were retained or considered as a region, it would have been bigger than most administrative regions in Ghana. Even with the reduction as some parts are in the Brong-Ahafo region, Gonjaland and its six districts with a total of 36,783 sq. kms are still bigger than as many as eight (8) regions in the country. These regions are Ashanti (24,390.59 sq.kms), Western (22,096 sq.kms), Volta (20,570.59 sq. kms.), Upper West (18,476.59 sq. kms.), Upper East (8,818.59 sq.kms) and Greater Accra (4,540.59 sq.kms).

Undoubtedly, the argument that could follow the case of Gonjaland would be that of population. With a population of 440,976 in the Six districts of Gonjaland out of 1,820,806 for the Northern Region (as quoted by the 2000 Population and Housing Census), some people argue that Gonjaland has fewer people and that it may not be altogether feasible to grant a region based on its boundaries.

The Counter argument I wish to put accross is that Gonjaland's population (440,976) is just a little below the 576,583 quoted for the Upper West Region. Even if Nanumbaland's two districts; Nanumba North-Bimbilla and Nanumba South-Wulensi, with a population of 144,278 are added to Gonjaland the population of the proposed region will be 685,154 which far exceed the population of the Upper West Region and just a little below the Upper East Region with a population of 920,089.

Moreover, I find it difficult to understand why both the Upper East and West regions with an area in square kilometres of only 27.354 and a population of only 27,354 and a population of 1,496,672 is not a single region but Northern Region alone with an area in square kilometres of 70,384 and a population of 1,820,806 (324,134 more than the two Upper regions) remain undivided.

I am also of the conviction that population alone cannot and should not be the justification of not given serious consideration to the creation of a second region out of the present Northern Region. It is a well known fact that parts of the world such as Siberia in the Soviet Union, the Western Provinces of China, the Amazon in the Brazil, Alaska in the United States of America, self administration was granted to help accelerate development in these areas.

Have we stopped for a minute to ask why Gonjaland is least populated and why it is not attractive to many people? Of course, if the area has no future in terms of modern development, no one would be attracted to it.

This in itself is enough reason to grant a second region preferably based on the geographical boundaries of this vast area of land. One thing that needs to be made crystal clear is that the proposed new region based on Gonjaland will have all the requisite qualities for the sustenance of a viable region.

Farming the main source if livelihood for Ghanaians could potentially prove a strong backbone for the economic development of the new region since the natural vegetation is predominantly guinea savannah. It would also be a bread basket of the country as far as the production of food and cash crops such as maize, yam, millet, sheanut, cashew, cotton and others are concerned. Livestock animals such as cattle, sheep and goats can be reared in large quantities.

The new region may also boast of lands with mineral deposits. The Barite at Daboya, Brine deposits at river bed of the White Volta and Gold at Bombir, Bauxite at Digma, Diamond at Fimbu, (West Gonja), Gold at Dakurpe and Tinga (Bole), Limestine at Buipe (Central Gonja), Gold at can be tapped for the socio-economic development of the area and the country as a whole.

The Black Volta, White Volta River Oti and Daka are major rivers in Gonjaland. Fishing could therefore be boosted by applying the requisite methds. The potential of Buipe for fuel and Hydro power are very clear. The Bui Hydro Electric Dam which is under construction is located between Gonjaland and the Brong Ahafo.

Many of the most important tourist’s sites in the country are found here. Mention can be made of the Game Reserve at Mole, the Ancient Mosque and Mystic Stone at Larabanga (West Gonja), Ndewura Jakpa's Tomp at Old Buipe (Central Gonja), the Slave Market and Wells at Salaga (West Gonja), as well as the Hippopotamus Sanctuary at Ntereso and Royal Mausoleum for Gonja Kings at Mankuma (Bole).

This proposal I urge, should not be made by only people living in the Northern Region or people of northern descent like me, but a national proposal for national development and integration. I believe that breaking the region into two would allow for more creativity, innovation, effective administration and growth for the people of this very big region. While creating a new administrative region would not immediately remove all the problems of the Northen Region, it would nevertheless create an opportunity for an effective management of the problems through effective decentralization.

Perhaps it would be useful for those who argue against the creation of a new region to pause a while to reflect on the reasons why the then Upper Region clamoured for the partitioning of the region into what is now known as the Upper East and West Regions, even though as explained earlier on, that region was much smaller in terms o both size and population if compared to the Northern Region. The Northern region has nothing to lose by having another region but a lot to gain.

It is noteworthy that during the 2005 parliamentary vetting of ministerial nominees, John Mahama then Member of Parliament for Bole-Bamboi asked Hon. Ernest Akubuo Debrah and Boniface Abubakari Sadique who were the outgoing and incoming Northern Regional Ministers respectively about their opinion on this topic. Both nominees were unequivocal on the enormity of the daunting administrative challenges that the sheer size of the region poses to effective governance.

It was quite significant that John Mahama was the one asking the questions because as a key member of the NDC administration and presently the Vice- President of Ghana, his interest in the subject may have been motivated by his party's position on the matter or at the very least by his own convictions on the subject. At any rate it gives an indication of the fact that there would be support from both the majority and minority for any proposal on the floor of parliament to partition the Northern Region into two or more administrative regions. Such a bi-partisan support or the idea will clear the cobwebs out of minds of people that the ruling government has an interest in the whole issue. Governors, Secretaries, and Ministers since independence had at a time voiced out the daunting task of administering the Northern Region.

Some of these personalities (many deceased) were Alahji Hudu Yahaya, Col. Abdulai Ibrahim, Alhaji B A Fusheini, Col. Iddisah, Alhaji Seidu Iddi, Ben Bukari Salifu, Adam Kaleem, Charles Bintim, Alhaji Haruna, Edward Bawa, Ernest Akuoba Debrah, Boniface Abubakari Sadique and Mustapha Ali Idriss.

By carving out another region from the current one, it will significantly help to reduce the mass exodus of our youth to cities like Accra, Kumasi and others in search of the so called greener pastures. A close look at the phenomenon of "kayayo's" or "Head Porters" in Accra and Kumasi will make a disturbing revelation. It would be realized that about 85% of these "kayayo's" are specifically from the Northern Region.

Even though this situation can be blamed on the northern conflicts and the rather sometimes volatile situations in some parts of the region, the bulk of it emanates from the neglect most areas have suffered due to the size of the area. This situation taunts the image of the country given the deplorable situation these youngsters who are mostly females live in. It does not auger well for our efforts at attracting tourists into our country.

This is especially true given that these people live and sleep under verandas and at the entrances of shops and other public places in our cities with the concomitant problems.

Going by the dictated of the local Government Act 462, the conditions for the creation of another region out of the current one have fully been met. For instance and once again if we look at the demographics of the region, it can conveniently be classed as the fourth highest in Ghana. With a population of about 1,820,806 people (2000 population and housing census), the Northern Region is home to about 10.1% of the Ghanaian population next only to the Ashanti, Greater Accra and Eastern regions. In fact holding all parameters constant, the northern region is more qualified to be divided in to two. Take the Upper Regions as an example. The population figures for both regions do not sum up to the population of the Northern Region and yet they are separate regions.

In terms of size the Northern Region is by far the largest in Ghana. It is about five times the size of Upper East; two times the size of Ashanti and God knows how many regions of the size of the Greater Accra can be carved out of Northern Region.

Article 5 Section 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana states inter alia "If the President upon a petition being presented to him and on the advice of the Council of State is satisfied that there is a substantial need for:

a. The creation of a new region,

b. The alteration of the boundaries of a region, whether or not the alteration involves the creation of a new region; or

c. The merger of any two or more regions, he shall, acting in accordance with the advice of the Council of State, appoint a Commission of Inquiry to enquire into the demand and to make recommendations on all the factors involved in the creation, alteration or merger"

The fact that the Gonjaland Youth Association has presented more than one petition to the seat of Government for the creation of a new region out of the Northern Region should not be seen as an ethnic group asking for a region. It is a truism that without the tacit support of other ethnic groups in the Northern Region, such a request would be a mirage. Constitutionally, a referendum is to be held in a region before it is divided. An issue on the creation of a new region out of another shall not be taken to be determined, unless at least fifty percent of the persons entitled to vote cast their votes at the referendum and of the votes cast at least eighty percent were cast in favour of the issue. The Gonjaland Youth Association has therefore taken into consideration all the legal and constitutional provisions that guide the creation of new regions.

The Gonjaland Youth Association is an association for all tribes on Gonjaland. There is no Gonja Youth Association. The Association takes care of the Vaglas, Safalbas, Brifors, Lobis, Hanga, Tampulmas, Mmara, Bartige, Mos, Pantra, Mibor, Norme, Nawuri and Nchumurus. The list does not include people from other parts of the region or country coming to work or settled farmers in Gonjaland. These are people who have been part of this land for centuries.

It would obviously be in the interest of Northerners that the re-demarcation being proposed is done with the least resort to civil strife and any form of conflict. The best way to guarantee this in my view is to ensure that pre-existing ethnic and traditional allegiances are maintained. If for instance Nanumbaland is combined with Gonjaland to form a new region the Yagbonwura and Bimbilla Naa should become the two paramount chiefs with each maintaining their distinct traditions, culture and chieftaincy issues.

The creation of a new region along some specific lines would ensure peace among the traditional authorities and also make for the creation of additional regional houses of chiefs to increase participatory traditional administration in the area.

Administratively, Tamale represents the northern and reactions from Tamale unfortunately are interpreted as reactions from the people from the north. Sometimes more than half of the region is accused of an unfortunate situation that they are unaware. An instance is when a lecturer at the Ghana Institute of Journalism, where I underwent a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Mass Communication Studies asked me to brief him on everything about the unfortunate Dagbon Conflict since I was a Northerner. Some people believe all ethnic groups in Northern Region are involved in the Dagbon conflict.

I became confused because coming from the western part of the Northern region, precisely Bole District where the conflict has an almost zero effect on, I do not have many facts on why the conflict, which faction is right or wrong and how it can be resolved.

I have studied the geographical map of Northern Region and has realized that whether the region is divided vertically or horizontally, there is land owned by different ethnic groups coming together to form the proposed region, Dagombas and Mamprusis will be on one side while Gonjas and Nanumbas will be on the other should the Northern Region be divided horizontally. This means that apart from the ethnic groups mentioned as being part of Gonjaland we shall also have Nanumbas as another majority ethnic group in the proposed region.

Moreover, since there are four Kings in the Northern Region: Ya-na for Dagombas, Na-yiri for Mamprusis, Yagbonwura for Gonjas and Bimbilla-Na for Nanumbas, I propose that there should be two Kings in each of the regions. Dagomba and Mamprusi on one side and Gonja and Nanumbas on the other. I also think the horizontal division would be better because the capital of the proposed region would not be a town of an ethnic group that already has a capital town.

I am aware that some traditional rulers in the region as well as prominent figures and politicians have added their voices to this clarion call. A case in point when the King of the Gonja traditional Area (Yagbonwura Bawa Doshi) paid a courtesy call on his Excellency President a couple of years ago and ha done same for the present President, to make appeals for the carving out of another region from the Northern. If this is anything to go by then all efforts must be made to transform this into actuality. And the call for the capital of the region which some people proposed be called 'Savannah' to be at Buipe (capital of Central Gonja District) in my opinion is very appropriate. This is in view of the volume of economic activities taking place in this town as well as its potential to develop into a Municipality. The strategic position of the town also adds to its advantages.

I hope that for the sake of unity, even development and equitable distribution of resources, this suggestion would take a national dimension and looked into.

Okudzeto's NUGS Presidency: What really happened?

2009-03-10T06:00:00.012Z

Eversince Samuel Okudzeto was appointed deputy Minister designate for Information(in fact the youngest in the history of the 4th Republic). I have beeninundated with calls within and outside Ghana inquiring about the role heactually played in the problems of the National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS)in the 2005-2006 academic year. This might be because the two of us were at thecentre of the brouhaha that NUGS had to grapple with.

I have explained to many people that Okudzeto wasnot actually involved in any criminal act, scandal or fraud when he was NUGSPresident to warrant his disqualification as a deputy minister. I also describeOkudzeto as a hot headed person who would fight for a cause he believed innotwithstanding what people may think about him or its consequences. Somebodywas surprised when I told I had sent a congratulatory message to Okudzeto onhis appointment as deputy Minister.

The story of the 2005-2006 NUGS which I believewill refresh the minds of people as to what happened goes as follows:

At the end of the election, the following wereelected and sworn in as National Executive of NUGS:

Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa; President (University ofGhana-Legon).

Mahama Haruna; General Secretary (Ghana Instituteof Journalism).

Thomas Arthur; Treasurer (Institute of ProfessionalStudies).

Cynthia Opoku; Co-ordinating Secretary (Universityof Ghana- Accra City Campus).

Kwame Amponfi Jnr.; Education andDemocratisation Secretary (University of Education- Winneba).

Sam Sika Obrempon Adjei Fordjour; InternationalRelations Secretary (Central University College-Accra).

Selorm Amevor; Press and Information Secretary(Ghana Institute of Journalism).

Thomson Rexmond Kotey; Financial Controller (Instituteof Professional Studies).

Victoria L. Hamah; Womens Commissioner (Universityof Ghana- Legon).

These were arguably the finest brains and studentactivists from the various campuses in the country. As an executive we startedvery well. We clearly stated we were going to represent the interest and aspirationsof Ghanaian students but not political parties and individuals as well as otherconcerned stakeholders. We said NUGS had carved an unenviable image of nottaking centre stage in not only education issues but also the broader pictureof the national development agenda.

An issue that nearly marred our relationship withgovernment and stakeholders and also made people sceptical about out regime wasa statement made by the President at the handing over ceremony of our year.During his inaugural speech he was emphatic in stating his dislike for dialogueas a means of addressing grievances and concerns and indeed served notice ofhis agenda to employ demonstrations and confrontation in his dealings withgovernment. This was in contrast to the stance of most of the executive thatNUGS resort to dialogue and consensus building in dealing with government sincedemonstrations and confrontation was no longer fashionable.

Right from day one, the problem was about thepolicy direction of NUGS. While the President believed in a militant andradical approach to dealing with government and stakeholders, the otherexecutive believed in dialoguing and consensus building with demonstrations andconfrontation as a last resort.

Another setback was when the Ghana Union of ProfessionalStudents (GUPS), the largest bloc under NUGS threatened to break away. Thereason being that they have always been marginalised by the leadership ofNUGS.. Their President Ransford Addo was not acknowledged by the NUGS Presidentduring his speech.

One particular action that made NUGS to getnational attention at this period was a hunger strike the executives embarkedupon to back an appeal to government and all stakeholders for support, after itwas ejected from its offices by the Civil Servants Association of Ghana. Later alumniFafa Dogoe gave NUGS a temporal accommodation at his office.

Before this incident would settle, NUGS issued adisclaimer to the effect that it was not aware of the donation of an 18 seaterToyota Hiace bus by the Vice-Chancellors of Ghana. Abu Forgor the out gonePresident who initiated the appeal for a bus received the bus on behalf ofNUGS. Okudezo actually labelled forgor a masquerade. This infuriated Forgor andhe vowed to make Okudzeto's regime ungovernable. He had a large following fromthe student’s front. He actually explained that he did not have any intentionswhatsoever to take possession of the bus but hand it over after takingdelivery.

Our problems actually started with the issue ofthe Representation of Peoples (Amendment) Bill (ROPAB). The President Okudzetogranted an interview to Radio Gold and intimated that NUGS was opposed to theBill which would have given Ghanaians abroad the right to vote in the countriesthey are domiciled This comment generated a great furore in the students frontbecause many were in the view NUGS should taken a neutral stance.

The bloc heads of NUGS comprising the Ghana Unionof Professional Students (GUPS), University Students Association of Ghana(USAG), Teacher Trainees Association of Ghana (TTAG) and the Graduate StudentsAssociation of Ghana expressed their disaffection and took on the NUGSPresident for taking a stance on a very sensitive political issue when it hadnot been deliberated upon by the Central Committee (CC) and saw that as arecipe for confusion. They also stated clearly they were losing patience withthe dictatorial manner in which Okudzeto was running NUGS.

The bloc heads went ahead to complain aboutattempts by politicians to infiltrate the ranks of the Ghanaian studentmovement and hence an unfortunate demonstration by some faceless students atthe parliament house during the reading of the ROPAB. They appealed to allstudents not to kowtow to the bidding and incitement by any political group toeither accept or reject the bill until NUGS comes out with its position

There were concerns from other groups that thecomments made by Okudzeto were not inconsistent with the stance of NUGS sincethe Kenneth Abotsi (2003-2004) regime had called upon parliament to suspend theamendment of the Representation of Peoples Act until broad consultations wereheld with stakeholders and as well said the Electoral Commission did not havethe capacity to carry out such an exercise in view of the challenges facing it.

Another group calling itself Concerned TertiaryStudents of Ghana (COTSG) also chided the NUGS President for his trite commentson ROPAB. In a statement issued by Okoe Boye Bernard the leader they noted thatthe comments of Okudzeto suggested he was allowing his emotions to take thebetter part of him. According to the group Okudzeto was subsuming student’sinterest for his personal politics and prepare the ground for his politicalambitions.

In the midst of these controversies I had noalternative than to do something. I organised a press conference in anindividual capacity and put the records straight. I made it clear that notuntil the Central Committee of NUGS meets to take a decision on the ROPAB, theposition taken by any single student or group of students was withoutauthority, misleading, and an affront to the Central Committee and intended topre-empt and pre-judice the decision the Central Committee may come up with. Ialso said that all actions by students were misplaced, unwarranted, uncalledfor and unconstitutional. I had come to the realisation that NUGS had alloweditself to be misused by cheap propagandist politicians and so urged Ghanaianstudents to remain calm and also have confidence in their leadership.

Some alumni intervened and this problem wasresolved amicably. Okudzeto promised Ghanaian students not to repeat any suchmistakes and also promised to follow laid down procedure through the structuresof NUGS before coming up to speak for the Union. The second problem had to dowith the University of Ghana-Legon- Student Representative Council (SRC)elections. The office of the Dean of students issued a statement that LordHamah who was on the verge of winning the run-off elections of the Universityhad committed examination malpractice and therefore could not occupy anystudent office. This decision was upheld by the SRC Judicial Committee and theSRC Electoral Commission.

My position on this development was that LordHamah should have been disqualified in the first round by the school authoritiesbut not wait till he was in the second round. However shortly after thisdecision Okudzeto unilaterally issued a statement that NUGS had given itsimmediate, total and unconditional support to the various sections calling formass protests and demonstrations on Legon Campus and encouraged more studentsto join until order was restored. Seven out of ten NUGS executive had to comeout to inform students that the decision was taken by only the President andthat there was no meeting to discuss the issue let alone issue a statement.

The development on Legon campus took a dramaticturn when the SRC of the the University of Ghana served the NUGS secretariat aletter that it had seceded from NUGS after an emergency General Assemblymeeting. The SRC accused NUGS of arrogance, an unchallenged level of disrespectfor official structures and basic rules guiding the University of Ghana'saffairs. They also stated that "The sovereignty of SRC-Legon, has timewithout number not been daily observed by NUGS. The ultimate being the publicstatement issued by NUGS, threatening and actually interfering in the work ofthe Independent Electoral Commission of SRC-Legon and the SRC Court ofJustice"

This was unprecedented and so NUGS summoned aNational Executive Committee which sees to the effective operation of theNational Secretariat. At the meeting members made to clear to Okudzeto that hehad erred in issuing the statement on a NUGS letter head. A motion was passedfor him not to chair the meeting since the issue to be discussed was about him.A resolution was then passed that Okudzeto and Victoria Hammah should 'StepAside' as NUGS executive since the University of Ghana had seceded making themhave no locus.

The NEC in accordance to the NUGS constitutionalso mandated me act in the capacity as President until an emergency CentralCommittee meeting (made up of representatives from all campuses) was convenedto decide the fate of the officers concerned. A five member committee was alsoconstituted to critically look into the issue of Legon. The committee had fivedays within which to complete its work and present a report. All thesedecisions were taken in the presence of Okudzeto.

But before the committee would even start work anda few minutes after the meeting, Okudzeto went on air to announce that therewas a coup d' tat at the NUGS secretariat. He further muddied the waters byorganising an illegal and unconstitutional Central Committee meeting at theAccra Teacher Training College purporting to remove me and Cynthia Opoku Manufrom office. There was no quorum and some affiliates or cronies from CommonWealth Hall-Legon and 'wee' infested muscle men from Nima were planted asCentral Committee members.

Also at all meetings of the Central Committee, thePresident, Secretary, any two national officers, one member, at least of eightInstitutions was to be represented to form a quorum. I was not present andneither seven other executive nor bloc heads. Before we could re-act GUPSdisassociated itself from the meeting with the reason that none of its memberInstitutions was invited.

Later a properly constituted Central Committeemeeting was organised by the NEC. It was attended by almost all Institutions inGhana, Seven executives and all NEC members. A resolution was passed to dismissthe President, the Women’s Commissioner and the Press and InformationSecretary. The meeting also mandated me to act as President and as wellexpressed the hope that, the decision would bring back the University of Ghanainto the fold of NUGS and also bring to a halt the wrangling that had engulfedNUGS.

Getting to the end of our regime, a SteeringCommittee under the chairmanship of NUGS Treasurer, Thomas Arthur was formed toconduct elections for the 2006-2007 year group to take over. There was confusionas to which faction could organise Congress. Notwithstanding all theseproblems, our regime did a lot for NUGS. Space will not allow me enumeratethese achievements.

There was actually a political angle to all theproblems of NUGS for our year. Some people believe we were just appendages ofpolitical parties but we all denied. We also believed whatever we were doingwas in the interest of Ghanaian Students. It is just sheer co-incidence thattoday Okudzeto Ablakwa has been appointed an NDC deputy minister forInformation and I Mahama Haruna vying for the position National Youth Organizerof NPP. In fact a friend called me recently and told me that the assertion thatwe were working for political parties has been corroborated by our presentpolitical stance.

NPP must start a genuine healing process Now!!

2009-03-09T06:00:00.001Z

Ever since mailing one of my features titled 'Does the NPP need a compromise candidate'? in which I intimated that all was not well with the NPP and that it was only members who do not want to deal with the truth that are denying all is well with the party. I have received numerous calls and mails. One amazing comment was whether I was not blowing the factionalism in NPP out of proportion.

I repeat that the problem is real and some of us in the interest of the party will keep on hammering to the NPP hierarchy to awake their senses and work towards achieving absolute unity, for without unity never would the NPP come back to power.

Excuse me to say that the party is packed with intellectuals and discerning people who should know better. We need to immediately get to the surgeon table and remove this cancer in our party before it gets late. I am not a dooms monger but a concerned party member who would want to see NPP come to power in 2012.

Now those who doubt all what I said should look at this scenario:

I declared my attention to contest the position of National Youth Organizer of NPP this week. Since then many party members have asked me if I was contesting for Nana Akufo-Addo, Alan Kyeremanteng or someone else. My response has always been Jesus! In fact many questions has been ramming through my head. What is happening to my party? Are aspirants for executive position seeking to represent the NPP or individuals? Do I need to attach myself to an individual party member before I could contest? Do an aspirant need to declare who he supports before knowing his fate? Should the leadership qualities, track record, loyalty and commitment to the NPP be overlooked for factions? Have we learnt lessons from the1998, 2001 and 2005 National Executive Elections? Certainly no!

In fact when I tried to explain to one party member who asked me same question that, at age seventeen, I was the youngest delegate to have attended the 1992 Congress of NPP that elected the late Professor Albert Adu Boahen Presidential candidate, that I was a former Constituency Secretary of NPP for Bole-Bamboi, that I was a former General Secretary of NUGS and therefore experienced. My vision I told him was to build a corporation of dedicated NPP youth, made up of professionals, youth in the diaspora, students, the unemployed and the under privileged, who standing together and united in a common understanding and faith in the principles of the NPP'S liberal democratic philosophy would work to bring the party back to power.

I went on that I am from one of the rare mainstream Danquah-Busia families in Gonjaland of Northern Region because my grandfather Braimah Salifu was a contemporary of Chief Dombo and my father Alhaji Mahama Salifu was a former Youth Leader of the Progress Party in Gonja West, a former leader of the Popular Front Party in Bole and a former Chairman of NPP in Bole for many years and is credited with the setting up of NPP branches in Gonjaland when the party was formed and..... he would not just listen and cut me short. I was making noise he said. He was more interested in which camp I belong before he could tell me my chances.

Another friend told me that out of the seven names that have come up so far for the position of National Youth Organiser, only two are from Alan's camp- Michael Ampong and Stephen Amoah. But five of us- Nii Titus Glover, Pious Hadzide, Abu Jinapor and John Boadu, and I are pro- Nana Addo and so if we do not take care an Alan boy could win because we would split out votes. He urged me to rather contest the position of Northern Regional Secretary because the party needs loyal, intelligent, committed, effective and hardworking persons at the regions.

From the above, one would agree with me that the NPP need to start a genuine healing process to stop once and for the mentality of belonging to ‘personality cults'' and not 'a party'.

It is clear to all NPP sympathisers that Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyeremateng were the gurus of the day. They did I all they could to lead NPP but only one could be chosen and was indeed chosen by members of the party. It behoves on the party to go out and tell party members to unite and abide by the principles and fundamentals of the party. With this we can present a candidate who has the image to outclass President Mills or whoever they decide to present for election 2012. Many mistakes were committed and we need to correct them immediately.

President Lincoln of the USA did something many years ago. He stood up and said to his party far more divided than anything within the NPP. “We are not enemies but friends though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection”. To me that’s what the NPP leadership should do as a party to be very effective in terms of convincing party members and Ghanaian's about our preparedness to UNITE the party so as to be able to govern again.

It is clear today that the friction that erupted between President Obama and Rodham Clinton has come to an end just because the President showed he was not afraid to work with people who questioned his ability and experience in the hardest and ugliest manner. The choice of Clinton as Secretary of State showed his boldness to work with a someone who openly accuse of him of not having any experience and will be tested seriously in the first six months should he become a President. This is to show the nation that he wants to serve his party and country so as to achieve his agenda and if that means drawing from all walks of life in his party and nation he will. The President also clearly told party members he should be questioned if anybody did not agree with his plans and views. Believe me these people he brought to cabinet in the white house are men of tremendous experience who have been therefore far long before his appearance on the scene.

So my advice would be, be it Nana, be it Alan or be it any person who becomes an NPP candidate, the person should be an opened minded person who will have the heart of bringing on board the best the party has from whatever group they belonged to and together they should work and put aside any individual interest and petty politics. All it takes to make success is good judgment and the ability to tap and bring different people to work together despite their differences. Our leaders should concentrate on discussions and not debates.

Another example is the division within the Labour party in the United Kingdom. Ex-prime minister Tony Blair always had to deal with and accept proposal from the then Exchequers Chancellor, Gordon Brown who is now Prime Minister. It has always gone ugly but they come to reason after discussion and not debate. It has been going over for long and has not stopped and will never stop. Today there is still the Brown and Blair factions in the Labour party but they work together in the sole interest of the party and the nation for that is the only way they can preserve their power.

I urge NPP members to share open minded views in the interest of our nation first then that of the party and live any petty grievances to side. We will have to respond to all those who in their short memories and anticipations say that the NPP will never be stronger again because of its divisions that we are guided by the vision of our founding fathers spirit of 'yes we can'.

In conclusion it will be good for the leadership of NPP to know all sympathisers wants their children’s children say to their children that when the NPP was tested at this crucial period they refused to let any divisions end the journey they embarked upon, with eyes fixed on the horizon they held together this great gift for democracy and delivered it safely for future generations.

I will finish by saying that some of us are fired up to work for NPP! In fact we need to ambush the NDC, we need to stampede them into making political mistakes as they did to us and we need to seize every little opportunity to be critical of their stewardship.

But the first step is UNITY!

Does the NPP need a Compromise Candidate?

2009-03-02T06:00:00.001Z

As they say, "a house divided against itself cannot stand". Victory will come to the way of NPP only in Unity. The 2008 elections has come and gone and whether we like not or yes, an anatomy of the NPP's fall will continue to rage on.

All is not well with the NPP and as a senior Ghanaian Journalist put it "it is only members who do not want to deal with the truth that will deny all is well with the party". The polarization of Nana Akufo-Addo and John Agyekum Kufour and Alan kyerementeng camps never helped the NPP's cause. These two groups were so entrenched that the problems created affected the party in the last election.

It is a truism that the response of some Kufour/Alan's supporters to the 2008 campaign was rather lukewarm. In fact some simply worked against then candidate Akufo-Addo and blamed this on pro-Akufo-Addo supporter’s stance against then. They believe certain members of Akufo-Addo's campaign team pursued an agenda of harassing leading members who supported Alan Kyerementeng.

The NPP is at the moment split between those who want Akufo-Addo elected at the next congress at all cost and those who fear his selection as NPP flag bearer may further divide the NPP and therefore damage the party's electoral prospects. Already hard line Akufo-Addo supporters have long been suspicious that Alan is manoeuvring to outfox Akufo-Addo and are therefore rolling up the sleeves of their shirts for a fight notwithstanding the repercussions this could have on the party. There could be an internal explosion within the party if Alan Kyerementeng is elected because most of Akufo-Addo's supporters would not be prepared to work with and vice versa if there is no immediate solution to this problem no matter how complex it is.

How the Division Came About

It all started at the 1998 National Executive elections of NPP. Then aspiring Presidential candidate J.A Kufour allegedly fielded his people for the elections. Odoi Sykes for Chairman, Agyenim Boateng for General secretary Alhaji Inusah for Organizer etc. Akufo- Addo who had also declared his intention to lead the party counter fielded Professor F.T. Sai for Chairman, Kakra Essamuah for General Secretary, Courage Quashigah for Organizer etc. and at the end of the election most of Kufour's candidates won putting him in a pole position for the flagbearership.

A debate however began as to the suitability of retaining Kufour as flag bearer. While some argued for him others clamoured for a change of candidate. At the congress grounds in Sunyani, there were some skirmishes (similar to what happened at the 2008 congress at Legon) between Kufour's supporters and those of Akufo-Addo. Muktar Musa Bamba then a close aide of Kufour was allegedly beaten by pro- Akufo-Addo supporters but at the end Kufour prevailed and subsequently won the general elections of the year 2000.

After the general elections the division re-surfaced as prominent party members who supported Akufo-Addo were sidelined in terms of appointments to Kufour's government. Some were Brigadier Nunoo Mensah, Victor Newman, Adjiri Blankson, Kwabena Agyepong Professor F.T. Sai, Proffessor Mike Ocqyaye, Kwabena Agyepong etc and those who got appointed like Christine Churcher were not so happy with the positions they were given . It was believed Akufo-Addo himself was not left out because that would have incur the wrath of the Okyehene and the Akyems since he (Akufo-Addo) was the most prominent politician from Akyem Abuakwa, NPP stronghold.

In the 2001 National Executive elections the division once again showed its ugly head but on a milder scale. Some of the aspirants were branded pro-Kufour and others pro Akufo-Addo. In fact Kufour's people harboured a feeling that Akufo-Addo would once again contest him and therefore guided against that. Professor Mike Ocquaye-an Akufo-Addo man, who was the preferred choice for National chairman was conveniently appointed Ambassador to India, paving the way for Haruna Esseku a then Kufour protégé to become National Chairman. The likes of Lord Commey never had it easy although he faced a light weight in the person of Alhaji Yirimea. At the end Akufo-Addo declined to contest against Kufour for the flag-bearer-ship and I believe this move should have ended all divisions whether perceived or real.

However this division was re-awakened at the National Executive election of 2005 on a more serious scale. The party was split into the pro-Kufour and anti-Kufour factions. Nana Akufo-Addo's supporters were in the forefront of the chants of 'Yeegye Ye Party' literally meaning 'we are taking back our party'. Stephen Ntim who was perceived to be the President's candidate lost. The pro-Kufour and pro Akufo-Addo division continued to manifest itself as the NPP headed towards its congress to elect its 2008 presidential Candidate.

One of the 17 leading candidates Alan Kyeremanteng was perceived as the President's candidate. A turning moment was the allegation that a member of the Alan campaign team was sharing US dollars on the congress grounds to influence delegates. The inability of the party to investigate this allegation led to number of rumours, one being that, that particular allegation was meant to incite delegates against Kyeremanteng. Another rumour was that as the aspirants were returning from the meeting (called after the allegation was made) word was sent round that the aspirants had agreed that all delegates vote for Nana Akufo-Addo to avoid a break-up of the party.

This narration is meant to give an insight to the factionalism in NPP. At this juncture let us have a peep into the Kufour/Alan and Akufo-Addo factions and how they contributed to the defeat of the NPP in the last election.

Kufour/Alan or 'Jamasi/Sekyere mafia' faction

This faction is made up Kufour, Alan Kyeremanteng and most of the top-notches of NPP from the Ashanti region-Kwadjo Mpianim, Richard Anane, Addo- Kuffour, Kan Dapaah, Isaac Osei, S.K Boafo etc are inner core members. Those from other regions are Paapa Owusu Ankomah, Felix Owusu Agyepong, Asamoah Boateng, Stephen Ntim, Paul Afoko, Mohammed Amin Anta Oboshie Sai Coffie and others. What made this faction more powerful was the fact that, the NPP was in government for eight years. Kufour ensured that most juicy government appointments remained within this group. They were able to annex the three northern regions with the politics of Metropolitan/Municipal and District Chief Executive appointments.

It is believed a chunk of the Popular Front Party (PFP) membership of 1979 fall within this group. This group has been a force to reckon with because of the Ashanti votes. Some analyst say apathy in this group cost NPP. In the Ashanti region Nana-Addo had 1,214, 350 valid votes in the December 7th vote but in the run-off he had 1,438,820 votes making the difference 224,470 votes. He needed only 73,500 votes to win in the first round.

Some people believe the lack of support from the group did Nana Akufo-Addo a great harm. Many had for instance expected to see Kufour on the campaign trail. At a time the party needed him to campaign from constituency to constituency he rather chose to commission projects and to gambol round the world receiving awards including one at Liberia. Certain policies of his government in the final year did not help the NPP.

Political pundits have claimed that Kufour's lukewarn attitude was partly due to the fact that he did not get his man, Alan Kyerementeng as NPP candidate at the drama-packed NPP congress in December 2007 and the accusation that the campaign team was made up of Kufours 'enemies'.

Nana Akufo-Addo and Akyem mafia' faction

Although Nana Akufo-Addo hails from the Eastern Region some people believe this group is broader based as its membership cuts across the whole country including the Ashanti Region where the likes of Konadu Apraku, Kwabena Agyepong and Maxwell Kofi Jumah come from. The likes of Professor Mike Ocquaye, Atta Kennedy, Kennedy Ohene Agyepong, Hackman Owusu Agyeman, Christine Churcher, Nyaho Tamakloe, Ambrose Dery and most of the current national Executive of NPP falls within this group.

Except in some few instances it is said this faction is along the lines of the United National Convention (UNC) of 1979, passed through the hands of the late Professor Albert Adu Boahen and Peter Ala Adjetey and now Akufo-Addo.

There have been accusations that Akufo-Addo's people displayed cockiness forgetting that politics is about numbers. They have been accused of operating a closed door policy that seemed to regard Kufour/Alan's people as strangers and worse opponents than even NDC members. They were said to have 'shared' cabinet and all government positions to themselves even when the party had not won. Terms such 'First Respondent' and 'Second Respondent' were coined to differentiate between those who supported Akufo-Addo before the primaries and those who supported him after the primaries, the critics say.

It is also said Akufo-Addo surrounded himself with the 'Akyem Mafia' whose membership although could not be determined might be Akufo-Addo's immediate relations or personalities who hail from Akyem Abuakwa like Bumpty Akufo-Addo, Ken Ofori-Atta, Yaw Kwakye, Gabby Asare Otchere Darko, Nana Fredua Agyeman, Nana Asante Bediatuo, Nana Yaa-Ofori Atta and others.

Some believe there were serious mistakes that if Nana Akufo-Addo and his campaign team had avoided, he would have been sworn in as President. They contend that granted certain policies of the Kufour government- the construction of the Jubilee House, and the purchase of the two jets as well as giving Atta Mills the highest National Award (which he rejected) were unpopular, did Akufo-Addo help himself. For instance as one said, in the choice of a running mate, one picks someone who would add more votes to ticket as is done all over the world. They believe Alhaji Boniface Sadique would have added some potential NDC votes from the Zongos, but the reason for Akufo-Addo not selecting him was that he belonged to the Kufour/Alan camp.

Some however blame the 'Akyem Mafia' who wanted Dr Muhamadu Bawumia out of the Bank of Ghana to pave way for Ken Ofori-Atta in the event of an NPP victory.

A Compromise Candidate

A question has been going through my mind. Will Nana Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyeremateng support a compromise candidate to lead NPP in 2012? I have realised that the Kufour/Alan and Akufo-Addo factions have entrenched their positions more than ever, that their preferred candidate should lead the NPP in the 2012 Presidential election or whatever that would happen should happen. In view of this, would it not be better to go for a neutral person who would hold the party together so as to win the 20012 election?

Some NPP members are already calling for such a move because they are of the opinion that the divisions within the party could only be halted if both Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyeremanteng withdraw from the NPP Presidential flagbearership race for the sake of Unity, Peace and Tranquillity and allow a compromise candidate.

Such a candidate according to some pundits should not be someone who has ever contested the flagbearership because those who previously contested all have their baggage. In this case who? Papa Owusu Ankomah, Isaac Osei or Boniface Abubakari Sadique?

Again the question that arises here is whether these personalities were not or are not also part of the factionalism.

God save my Party the NPP!

Grooming and Development of Party Youth. Any lessons for the NPP?

2009-02-28T06:00:00.008Z

Ireceived news of the appointment of young turks in the NDC like Haruna Iddrisu,Mahama Ayariga, Mubarak Muntaka, Zita Okaikwoi, Alex Segbefia, Baba Jamal,Fiifi Kwetey, Alex Afriyie Ankrah and others into responsible positions in theNDC government with mixed feelings.

Even though the list of young men that are likelyto be appointed as Deputy Ministers and other positions has not been exhaustedas the likes of Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, Omane Boamah, John Jinapor and so onare in line, I am tempted to comment on this development.

In fact the question that came into my mind waswhether my party the New Patriotic Party is learning any lessons from thisdevelopment. I may not be an admirer or member of the NDC but a positive thingone cannot take away from the party is its policy and principles aimed at thedevelopment of its youth. It has always systematically groomed, moulded, andtrained its next generation of leaders. The NDC believe the effective role of itsyouth in national development in the future depends on their development todayand has therefore always seen the need to build a party that would consider andinvolve its youth when it comes to decision making.

The NDC has always worked to bridge the generationgap by including the youth in the governance process of this country when itwas in power between 1992 to 2000, and developments so far in 2009 indicate ishas not departed from these principles. One may be tempted to say that thispolicy of developing it's young ones to take over from the older generation haspaid dividends for the party in last year’s election.

Political parties must make investments-pecuniary,material and human resource in their cadre corps so that they could besupported in all ways in their training. In that sense the parties will build astrong pool from which to select future leaders. After all those who will emergeas the leaders would already have been imbued with party’s ideals andstrategies for governance. They will be better informed about the history andfuture aspirations of the parties and it will behove them to lift high thebanner of their parties.

Thus the parties will save themselves the troubleof having to deal with hitherto unknown but powerful elements that emerge fromobscurity to buy peoples conscience to become leaders especially when theparties come to power.

Even before the NDC lost power in 2001, it hadalready baked its younger generation to take over a struggle to win back power.Mention could be made of Baba Jamal, Haruna Iddrisu, Elvis Afriyie Ankra, FiifiKwetey, Kobby Achempong, Rojo Mettle Nunoo and many others who were allowed tooperate freely without any obstacles thereby giving them some politicalleverage. In the National Executive elections of 2002, some of these young meneven won positions people doubted they could perform effectively andefficiently. The old bones like Harry Sawyer, Alhaji Mahama Iddrisu, P.V Obengand others actually allowed these young ones who had the energy, intelligenceand drive to operate while taking guidance and wisdom from them.

What about my party the NPP? This was a governmentthat proclaimed it has a vision of equality of opportunities for all party membersregardless of age. It also claimed to be a party that does not forget all thosewho have been part of its history. There was a perception that those ingovernment did not have the best interest of the party's rank and file atheart. Its youth no longer have confidence in it because of the way they weretreated when the party was in government.

We are today faced with a situation ofdisillusionment and apathy. The ability of the youth of NPP to offerintellectual and physical contribution to the governance process was underratedand not recognized. It was a tragedy the NPP needed to correct but failed to doso. A party which has lost the confidence of its youth is a party without afuture.

Many of those that can be called 'oldergeneration' hold the view that the youth lack the capacity to engage in anymeaningful decision making. Contrary to these stereotypes examples have shownthat what the youth lack in experience they make up for in creativity energyand fresh perspectives. The youth possess ideas that relate specifically totheir capabilities.

When the NPP came to power in 2000, it was allegedthe President John Kofi Agyekum Kufuordisclosed to close confidants that he did not believe in the wisdom of theyouth especially anyone that his son Chief Kufour was older than. He thereforefailed to appoint any of the younger personalities who were part of the historyand struggle to win power for the party into any responsible position. Ivividly remember the thousands of TESCON members who were sent to parts of thecountry that were 'unfriendly' to the NPP. Some were harassed, beaten andmaimed. The hundreds of youth who worked all over the country have theirstories to tell. Mustapha Hamid, Musah Superior, John Boadu, Isaac Asiamah,Boye Laryea and many others with some working on the quiet. The youth weretotally left out, a situation I believe affected the party's fortunes in thelast election.

What baffles me is the fact that J A. Kufour atthirty two years was made a Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs by thenPrime-Minster K A. Busia and I believe this catapulted him into the presidencyin later years.

The older generation in the party were ever readyto clip the wings of most the personalities earlier mentioned. The NPPgovernment was handled by these old people some of whom were geroncrats withoutany input from the youth. During the 2004 elections these young ones neverrelented in their effort to make sure the party wins again with the hope thatthings will become better, but after the elections, the trend continued. I dostill remember how Mustapha Hamid had virtually lick asses of the powers thatbe but was rejected as a deputy minister. Mohammed Amin Anta nearly gotfrustrated lobbying for a deputy ministerial appointment even though these wereyoung personalities ahead of their NDC counterparts presently appointed as fullministers.

The year NPP could have learnt lessons and makeamends was in 2008 but alas this was never so. The older ones vowed never toallow the younger ones to 'take over' their party. The likes of Kwaku Kwarteng,Dan Markins Afenyo, Seji Saji, Issahaku Kotomah and many others contested theprimaries of their constituencies but lost under bizarre circumstances. Theparty still needed the Mike Ocquaye's, Hackman Owusu's , Malik Alhassan's andothers for reasons I am still expecting answers.

Moreover young Turks like Abu Jinapor, IssahakuKotomah, Stephen Amoah, Attefa, Protozua etc who wanted to be assertive andvisible were described as boys who have over bloated self- images, ambitious,arrogant and boys out-pacing themselves. What makes the situation serious iswhether some of our youth will ever be happy with the way they were treatedwhen the NPP was in power.

Using myself as a case study, it surprised manypeople when I was rejected as District Chief Executive (DCE) for Bole when theposition became vacant in 2007 although I was the preferred choice of the rankand file of the NPP in Bole because of my struggle and sacrifices for the partysince its formation, but rather went to someone who joined the NPP the day hewas appointed as DCE.

In 1992, the NPP in Bole-Bamboi could not mobilizejust ten people as delegates to its Congress simply because many people did notwant to associate themselves with the party. Although I was seventeen years oldand in Secondary School form one I was chosen as delegate because I was alreadya staunch NPP activist. I was the leader of NPP at my Secondary School andTeacher Training College and after College made Secretary of the NPP in theBole-Bamboi constituency. I worked so hard for the party that I stepped on amany toes including those of then member of Parliament and now Vice-Presidentof the Republic of Ghana John Dramani Mahama (who is a distant Uncle). In factmost negative stories about John Mahama originated from me. Even as a studentat the Ghana Institute of Journalism, I became a reporter for The statesman' anewspaper sympathetic to the NPP and therefore wrote many stories that werehighly critical of the NDC.

As a National Secretary of the National Union ofGhana students (NUGS) in the 2006-2007 academic year and therefore second incommand to all Ghanaian students, I realized the motive of Samuel OkudzetoAblakwa who was my President in throwing students onto the streets in supportof NDC and to make the NPP unpopular under the disguise of demonstratingagainst the Representation of Peoples Amendment Bill (ROPAL). I therefore withthe help of other students stopped him from using students for his parochialand political interest as well as mischief against the NPP. He engaged in manyactions resulting in violence and chaos on the campus of the University ofGhana-Legon. His activities were so dangerous and anarchical that discerningstudents of the country from the various campuses helped me and we were able toimpeach him though he disputed this. May I disclose to readers that I havealways admired Okudzeto because I am yet to come across a fighter like him. Heis a genius. The wrangling was so intense that it affected most of us in termsof our academic work. I nearly failed to acquire my B.A Degree in CommunicationStudies certificate although I was one of the brilliant students at GIJ andthat perhaps accounted for students reposing so much confidence in me andelecting me into numerous positions. I did not write a semester exams for thefirst time but later sat for it and passed with distinction. I believe Okudzetowould not be regretting what ever happened to him because his party NDC istoday utilizing him and I hear he has been pencilled for a deputy ministerialappointment. What about me? I am now struggling to make ends meet after puttingmy life into the hands of my party.

After working so hard for my party, I had so muchhope that the party could have recognized my effort by at least appointing meas a DCE.

The NPP is now in opposition and I wonder if itsyouth will still be committed to seeing the party come back to power. Anyway Ibelieve this depends to a large extent on the party's general policy towards itsyouth and to a less extent on who becomes the next National Youth Organizer.

John Mahama failed as an MP; Can he do any better as Vice-President?

2008-04-14T06:00:00.001Z

Questions are now beginning to emerge as to the competence, contributions and service John Mahama rendered to the people of Bole-Bamboi constituency during the three consecutive terms of John Dramani Mahama, the newly chosen running mate to the NDC flagbearer and the incumbent MP, to represent the area.

The choice of the Bole/Bamboi MP as the running mate for the NDC flagbearer came as a surprise to many of us at Bole because he failed to live up to the expectation and aspirations of the people he represents in Ghana's Legislative house.

Our MP who also served as a Communications Minister in the NDC government from 1998 to 2000 was in a better position and had every opportunity to lobby, influence and facilitate development projects in the constituency but performed abysmally. I wonder what he could bring to the nation as a Vice President if the NDC wins the 2008 polls.

I am a government appointee to the Bole District Assembly and wish to disclose that John Mahama has never attended any of the district's meetings since 2005 though he is an ex-officio member of the assembly. This shows how much the MP "has the welfare and interest" of the people at heart.

It would be wrong for anyone to think that NPP is 'dead' in the Bole-Bamboi constituency because of the selection of Mr John Mahama as a running mate. Rather, it presents a challenge to we the NPP activists in the area to embark on a vigorous campaign based on issues. The Bole MP's "big promises" remain unfulfilled and so has become unpopular in the constituency.

It is there not surprising that voters in Bole Township voted massively for NPP in the 2004 general election resulting in the NPP increasing its votes in the area election after election. The grounds in Bole are fertile for the NPP because, the party increased its votes from three thousand in 2000 to seven thousand in 2004 while NDC votes decreased from 14,000 in 2000 to 10,000 in 2004. With a little effort the NPP can spring a big surprise by winning in the NDC running mate's backyard. The NPP only need a popular, loyal, credible, dynamic, well informed and a well resourced aspirant to lead it in Bole and I believe I the party could spring a surprise.

The Bole-Bamboi constituency under the NPP government has witnessed unprecedented development projects and infrastructure. Bole is now connected to state broadcaster GTV, has a booster for FM transmission, a properly functioning communications networks, a District Police Quarters, a Rural Bank, tarring of Bole-Mandari road, near completion of Bole-Bamboi road, and the construction of Bui Dam which is expected to provide jobs for the many unemployed youth in the area.

The people of Bole will avoid the NDC because, its strategy and methods are "archaic" as compared to the NPP which believes in the rule of law, equal distribution of resources and is very aggressive about Ghana’s development agenda, as manifested in the numerous infrastructure development, the peace and tranquillity in the country, and prudent management of the Ghanaian economy.

Notwithstanding John Mahama's failures he needs to be congratulated for his new position of partnering the NDC Presidential candidate. He must also be commended him for bringing the name of Bole-Bamboi to national attention.