Rejoinder: Is Nana Akufo-Addo Fit To Be President?

I have read with surprise and sadness a feature that appeared on the ever popular Ghanaweb on the 31st March 2009 under the caption "Is Akufo-Addo fit to be President"? It is my style not to respond to features on Ghanaweb since many people have their reservations to some features I also write to the same site, but the many allegations and fallacies concocted by S. L. Oklu should not pass without any reaction especially since they were targeted at no mean a person than Nana Akufo-Addo. The invectives and innuendos of Oklu hurled at Nana Akufo-Addo in a reckless abandon, without decorum and deference to the 2008 flag bearer of a great party like NPP demands a reaction.

Oklu said in paragraph two; "Now, to my question: Is Nana Akufo Addo Fit to be President? In my opinion he is not qualified to assume the highest office of the land. The reason being that he lacks the qualities of a good leader". What is Oklu talking about? Does he know what constitute leadership?

Leadership is about people- how to lead people to achieve desired outcomes. It is about carrying people along; it is about vision; a leader organises, motivates and leads people to achieve beneficial results. A leader must have charisma-essential to motivate and inspire people to support his course. Which of these does Nana Akufo-Addo lack?

He was born a leader and this is manifested in his many leadership roles even before becoming flag bearer of NPP. He is one of the few lawyers with economist brains and as such has a good appreciation of the needs of our dear Nation. Whether Oklu like it yes or not, Nana Akufo-Addo has a Presidential mien and solid track record of credentials and achievements that can be equalled if not surpassing all the leadership of his party including the President John Evans Atta Mills.

Oklu do not want to know the performance of then Vice-President Atta Mills as Chairman of the Economic Management Team of the first NDC government between 1997 to 2007. Even now how good is President Atta Mills performing ever since Ghanaians mistakenly gave him their mandate to steer the affairs of this country. I would for now not bother myself with all facts I have on the performance of this government but will do so at a later time. I also find it difficult to understand the basis of Oklu's assertion that "Nana Akuffo Addo was one individual among the lot that was given the best opportunity to prove, assert and to distinguish himself but failed woefully. First, he was appointed the Attorney General and Minister for Justice. What happened? With arrogance and nasty pride, he was just in a rush to jail Tsatsu Tsikata but only to realize he was dealing with the wrong man". What an ignoramus?

I know many people have passed similar comments in the past, but I believe it was out of ignorance or sheer mischief. How can this little mishap over the Tsatsu Tsikata case when Nana Akufo-Addo was the Minister of Justice and Attorney General is a yardstick to judge his performance. It is true a straight comparison between Ministers and Ministries was used by my own party members who were interested in becoming Presidential Candidate to make their case. In fact some easily pin-pointed tangible developmental projects from their ministries to buttress their achievements. That was unfair because some ministries deal more with co-ordination issues rather than landmarks of achievements.

What about the Repeal of the Criminal Libel Law and the setting up of the National Reconciliation Commission. The Reforms of the Legal System at the Ministry of Justice, prominent amongst them being the establishment of the New Commercial Court and the Business Law Division of the Justice Ministry.

Oklu wrote "Nana Akufo-Addo was removed from the Ministry of Justice to the Ministry of foreign Affairs. At the Foreign Affairs, what can he be remembered for? The only thing that comes to mind is the withdrawal of courtesies due ex-President Rawlings for the mere reason that he (Rawlings) was criticizing the then government".

This is an unfortunate statement. Anyway I will not begrudge him for talking about courtesies to former President Rawlings because that issue is inconsequential to me. However I think Oklu should be educated on what Nana Akufo-Addo can be remembered for at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During his tenure as Foreign Affairs Minister, Ghana became a Member of the UN Security Council through his instrumentality. Oklu must be told Kufour became ECOWAS and then AU Chairman under Akufo-Addo.

May be Oklu is also unaware that Nana Akufo-Addo worked so hard to strengthen the economic Relations between Ghana and the rest of the World. He won new friends for Ghana resulting in the country gaining access to financial facilities such as Debt Relief and Increase in Aid. The projection and enhancement of the image of Ghana as stable functioning democracy governed by the rule of law and as an attraction investment destination with a market driven economy of sound fundamentals and a firm determination to achieve a middle income status, a situation the NDC government is benefiting from now would be attributed to the good works of Nana Akufo-Addo.

Oklu naively went on, "It is about time we told those who want rule us that arrogance and pettiness cannot be tolerated. In other words, characters and traits that are inimical to democracy will not be allowed".

Is this a fairer assessment of a man who was given this arrogance tag by Oklu's party, the NDC? If Oklu had the chance of meeting Nana Addo one- on- one, he would revise his notes on this arrogance perception'. In fact Nana Addo is one of the simplest contemporary politicians one could come across despite his privileged upbringing. Even Kofi Coomson who once said he would not be able to sleep if Nana Addo becomes President rejected the 'arrogance tag' on him during the interview he passed that unfortunate comment. It is my considered opinion that many people substitute "self confidence" for "arrogance". Nana Akufo-Addo is able to mix maximally with different kinds of people-youth, women, the old, privileged and under-privileged.

In fact my first direct contact with Nana Akufo-Addo was at the Sunyani Congress of NPP in 1998 when as a very young politician, was one of those who strongly supported him to become the party's flag bearer. At a meeting with delegates he clearly outlined his vision and also interacted with all those at meeting without an iota of arrogance. Ever since I have always kicked against this unfounded perception.

I was a member of his Communication Committee for the 2007 Presidential Primaries from March 2007 to July 2007 and used to admire the way he conducted himself at our meetings. He allowed each and every one of us to make our points without imposing his ideas on us. He is a good listener and would never reject the contribution of any of us but will always say 'let’s modify your point to such and such way'.

Oklu was at his hypocritical best when he said, "Those who are of the view that ex-President Kufour did not offer much help to Nana Akufo-Addo to win the Presidential seat have got it all wrong. I do not know if they expected the ex-President to hold his hand and put him on the seat". What a childish statement?

No one expected Kufour to hold Akufo-Addo's hands like a baby and put him on the seat. In any case I wonder why an NDC man should meddle in the affairs of NPP by playing one leader against the other forgetting that the leaders of his party NDC are at the moment clutching at each other’s throats to show who is who in their government. Oklu should address the tantrums of NDC's "Co-President Jerry John Rawlings". Those who want to remove the mots in the eyes of others must first remove the logs in their own eyes.

I should have ignored Oklu on this issue but since he once again exhibited crass ignorance on why some NPP members are genuinely peeved with Kufour over our defeat, I am tempted to tell him this;

At a time Kufour was needed by the party to campaign from Region to Region, Constituency to Constituency and hamlet to hamlet, he chose to gambol round the world receiving accolades and awards including one at Liberia. He also failed to either campaign with the flag bearer or alone but went round commissioning 'Old Projects'.

This is another scenario;

Issah Ketekewu, a crony of Kufour and then Deputy Minister of Northern Region was ill and bed-ridden for three years- 2006 to 2008, and could therefore not perform his functions properly. There were calls for his replacement since the Northern Region is so huge that several Ministers have bemoaned the enormity of the daunting political and administrative challenges this amorphous and unwieldy region that is about ten times the size of Greater Accra region poses but Kufour was unperturbed till Ketekewu died in June 2008 thereby setting the stage for another person to take over.

Names like Issahaku Kotomah, a University of Middlesex- London trained brilliant young man, James Kipo Sunyezi, an intelligent young man and former DCE for Sawla-Tuna-Kalba as well as Haruna Bismark Dari, a former DCE for East Gonja came up for consideration but Kufour was adamant and this position became unbelievably vacant for seven good months. The resultant effect was that NPP lost all six Gonja seats because the NDC campaigned that Kufour hates Gonjas. Who is to be blamed for this negligence? I could go on and on but will stop because I am in a hurry to send this reaction. Finally let me sound a note of caution to Oklu that he should never ever write such amateurish arguments as to the fitness of Nana Akufo Addo in becoming President of Ghana or else I meet his writings with the necessary reactions.

NPP Youth Should Not Rise Up In Defence of Kufuor

I have been following the debate regarding the retirement benefits of former President J. A. Kufuor. Many groups and individuals within the New Patriotic party (NPP) have condemned the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government for harassing, intimidating and humiliating the former President.

First was a group calling itself the GaDangme Forward Movement, they jumped to the defence of former President Kufuor, over the controversy that surrounded his acquisition of an office facility located at Ridge. According to this group, the tantrums of the GaDangme Youth about the use of public property as the office of the ex-President smacks of hypocrisy and political motivation.

They also saw the action of the so called GaDangme Youth, as parochial, politically motivated and unfortunate because it lacks merit and had no legal basis. The Forward Movement explained that the GaDangme Youth cannot speak for the silent majority of the GaDangme chiefs and youth because they did have their mandate.

The minority NPP in Parliament also registered their displeasure over what they described as the unacceptable way the government was handling the issue. The NDC was accused by the minority of orchestrating a campaign to vilify and persecute former President J. A. Kufuor. Another group, claiming to be the Leading Members of the NPP in Ashanti, expressed worry over the current unproductive behaviour and utterances of certain groups, with regard to the acquisition of an office by the former President.

One group, however, that has been silent on the matter, is the Youth of the New Patriotic Party. The question as to whether the youth should rise up in defence of our former President is being debated in many circles within the youth wing. It is a truism that the NPP is a great party, with politically savvy and active youth all over the country, who many have argued should have been on the streets by now, demonstrating against this persecution and campaign by the NDC to vilify and persecute him.

On the contrary, I am of the opinion that we the Youth of NPP should not worry ourselves over whatever is happening to former President Kufuor, with regards to his end of service benefits. We should rather take the lead in reorganising, restructuring and repackaging the party to look attractive to the Ghanaian youth who do not want to subscribe to the ideals and philosophy of the NPP.

The issue of the NDC government persecuting a former President over his "end of service benefits," to me, is inconsequential and trivial, and must therefore be disregarded. I would implore former President Kufuor cronies, bootlickers and devotees, to fight against those tarnishing his image and hard won reputation. It should not be a matter of concern for the whole party.

I know some of our youth may question my call on the NPP youth not to rise up in defence of Kufuor, but I put it to them that as a youth activist, who has worked so hard for the party since its formation (without recompense), I believe I have a legitimate right to state an idea bordering on the youth of my party.

My opinion has nothing to do with support for any perceived faction within the NPP nor trying to be a whiner, but a genuine concern at moving the party to greater heights, by not allowing an issue about Kufuor’s "end of service benefits" to determine the biggest agenda for the party.

This was a President who proclaimed he had a vision of equal opportunities for all party members, regardless of age. He also claimed to be a President who does not forget all those who were part of its history. I can dare say that the ability of the youth of NPP to offer intellectual and physical contribution to the governance process was underrated and not recognised by former President Kufuor. He held the view that the youth lack the capacity to engage in any meaningful decision-making.

In fact, when the NPP came to power in 2000, it was alleged that then President J. A. Kufuor disclosed to close confidants that he did not believe in the wisdom of the youth, especially anyone that his son Chief Kufuor was older than. He therefore failed to appoint any of the younger personalities, who were part of the history and struggle to win power for the party, into any responsible position.

They were rejected, neglected and totally left out of all matters of governance, a sharp contrast to what President Atta Mills is currently doing. I vividly remember the thousands of TESCON members who were sent to parts of the country that were 'unfriendly' to the NPP. Some were harassed, beaten and maimed. The hundreds of youth who worked all over the country have their stories to tell. Notwithstanding these efforts, they were totally left out of the scheme of things. A situation, I believe, affected the party's fortunes in the last election.

What baffles me is the fact that former President Kufuor, at thirty two years, was made a Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs by then Prime Minster K. A. Busia, and I believe this catapulted him into the Presidency in later years. Kufuor failed to realise that the youth would have been those to provide a solid line of defence against what is happening to him now, as the NDC youth did when there was a perception that former President Jerry John Rawlings was being persecuted, when the NDC was in opposition.

I repeat that the youth of NPP should not be concerned with an unproductive and unnecessary demonstration in defence of Kufuor, but instead, be working towards rebuilding the party to win future elections. I also reason in line with those who are saying that whatever that is happening to Kufuor now, would not affect the fortunes of the NPP. In fact, I am blissful the debate has been limited to "Kufuor’s end of service benefits" and not “NPPs end of service benefits".

We should not waste our time on such an anti-youth former President from our party!

Should all NPP Members elect the Party's Presidential Candidate?

There appears to be a consensus on the need for some changes to the constitution of the NPP especially after the party lost the recent national elections.

The most contentious amendment proposal that is expected to dominate the special conference in May this year will be whether all party members should vote to elect a presidential candidate or not.

At the 2003 National Delegates conference of the NPP at Cape Coast, delegates unanimously rejected the constitutional amendment proposal that all card-bearing members of the party should be eligible to vote to choose the candidate.

According to the Party's General Secretary, Nana Ohene Ntow, one of the major proposals on the drawing board for some time now and which will be critically and rigorously looked at, will be a proposal to amend the constitution to increase the electoral college of the party.

He also explained that it has become necessary for the party to amend that part of the constitution to avoid the temptation of people seeking to lead the party in various positions to influence the delegates through material and financial means.

Even before the secretary of the party gave this hint, a debate had already begun. Some party members are of the opinion that, while the proposal may give a significant boost to the party’s democratic credentials, it is seen by some as a most unusual practice in the nomination of flag bearer for even parties in long established democracies like the United Kingdom and the United States of America.

At the moment Article Six (6) of the of the NPP constitution states:
The Party’s Presidential candidate shall be elected by the National Congress, which shall comprise the following delegates;
(i) Ten (10) delegates from each constituency
.( ii) One representative of the Founding Members from each Region;
(iii) One (1) representative of the Patrons from each constituency,
(iv) One (1) representative of each Overseas Branch of the party that is entitled to send a representative to the National Delegates Conference.

A section of the members of the party claim this is not representative enough considering the large following of the party.

They also contend that it is easy to influence the 2,300 plus few delegates with monetary and material inducements which invariably affects voting patterns unduly as happened during the 2007 Presidential Primaries.

They therefore propose that all card-bearing members be allowed to vote so as to make it difficult for candidates to influence delegates with money and other goodies.

There is a feeling among these party members that the number of delegates to the NPP congresses to elect Presidential Candidates is too small and this tends to make it possible for people seeking to lead the party to manipulate delegates through financial and material means.

They also explain it tends to weaken the democratic values of the party.
However, members of the party who are against this proposal are of the view that the NPP is trying to bite more than it can chew because considering the large number of votes, the party would be saddled with a huge financial burden and logistic difficulties.

Superficially the idea looks great according to those against the expansion and will no doubt fully thumbprint the NPP as a party of true democracy but will be pre-mature.

One explained that there could be a scenario in which a rival party with money to spend and plenty of willing conspirators on the ground could go as well as even sponsoring a Presidential candidate for the NPP by sponsoring and planting enough of its members in the NPP by buying membership and playing a decisive role in swinging the vote one way or the other.

Also, it allows the constituency executive committee to potentially inflate membership one way or the other.

The expansion of the Electoral College will lead to a high cost of running campaigns one explained. Funds to organise rallies, posters and other party paraphernalia like 'The shirts, caps as well as advertisements- bill boards, television, newspapers and radio should bother all party members, he emphasised.

In my opinion, even if the sanctity of the process can be guaranteed, the job is geographically as large as holding a national election. The cost will mean diverting a large chunk of the party’s funds and energy not to fight the national election but to contest an intra-party election.

There is also a smack of democratic hypocrisy about the whole idea of all party members voting. As things stand now delegates for the election of officers at various levels of the party’s organisation are still steeped in the old tested concept of electoral colleges.

For national executive elections, only five (5) delegates from each constituency are eligible to vote and for Regional executive elections only four (4) delegates from each of the constituencies within the region are eligible to vote.

This means that apart from Polling Station elections where all card-bearing and paid-up members in good standing in the Polling Station Area shall vote, the same cannot be said of elections at all other levels.

An NPP Member of Parliament has gone to the extent of arguing for the expansion of the electoral colleges at all levels of election including Parliamentary primaries of the NPP.

According to him, the NPP must do away with the system whereby constituency and polling station executives in the main form the majority delegates who would vote for Parliamentary candidates.

He said even before we get to the stage of electing parliamentary candidates we must also expand the electoral college of electing constituency

He bemoaned the situation whereby the select few who elect parliamentary candidates always wait for four years to await bribes from those aspiring to be parliamentary candidates.

He also explained that with an electoral college of between hundred (100) and two hundred (200) delegates, it is not difficult for aspirants to give out flat screen television sets; mobile phones; plus cash or as much as GH¢ 2,000 per delegate to influence them. Can a person do that to as many as 3,000 delegates? he questioned.

"I suggest that we use the end of 2008 as the cut off for paid -up members to be eligible to vote in their constituencies. The cut off date is very important, to avoid a situation where a clever opposing political party can let its members register and pay up as dummy NPP delegates and eventually elect a politically weaker Presidential candidate he emphasised.

While it will be necessary to test the popularity of Presidential nominees on a much larger scale than currently is the case, more care must be taken regarding the party’s readiness for such an exercise. I agree that the present pool of delegates needs to be increased.

An upward figure of between 15,000 to 30,000 will be strong enough to test the national support commanded by the contestants. But how this can be achieved must be worked out.

I propose that Article Six (6) of the constitution of the NPP be amended completely to read as follows:

The Party’s Presidential candidate shall be elected by the National Congress, which shall comprise the following delegates
(i) All Polling Station Chairmen in each Constituency;
(ii) All Members of the Executive Committee in each Constituency;
(iii) All Members of the Executive Committee in each Region;
(iv) All Members of Parliament;
(v) All past Regional Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(vi) All past Constituency Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(vii) All Members of the National Executive Committee;
(viii) All past National Executive Committee Members who are paid up members and in good standing;
(ix) All Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives who are members of the party when it is in Government;
(x) All former Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives who are members of the party when it is not in Government;
(xi) All Ministers, Deputy Ministers who are members of the party when it is in Government;
(xii) All former Ministers, Deputy Ministers who are members of the party when it is not in Government;
(xiii) Five members of TESCON from each selected University, Polytechnic or Tertiary Institution;
(xiv) Ten representatives of each overseas Branch of the party that is entitled to send a representative to the National Delegates Conference;
(xv) All Members of the National Council of Elders, Members of the Finance Committee, Constitutional Committee, Disciplinary Committee, Organisation Committee, Research Committee and Vetting Committee;
(xiv) Twenty Members from the Communication Directorate;
(xvii) The incumbent President and all former Presidential Candidates of the Party in good standing.

I believe this will prevent aspirants from manipulating delegates through financial and material means. It will also make room for representation from every nook and cranny of the country as well as a broad spectrum of the party’s stakeholders.

At the last Congress in 2007, there were situations in which husbands, wives, close family relations and cronies were selected as delegates at the detriment of the larger party.

This idea is also to add more delegates to the current pool in order to push the number to a more appreciable and respectable one, where it would be difficult for candidates to influence the voting patterns of delegates with money and other goodies and as well eliminate all inconveniences and risks involved in transporting delegates to a single town or city.

One advantage is that it will do away with the huge cost involved in organising Congresses.

To conclude, I wish to add that this will be feasible and easy to work out. The election will be conducted at the constituency level. The Electoral Commission will be notified of the date of the Primaries.

Time for opening the ballots after voting could be fixed at 5.00pm. Candidates will recruit 230 agents to monitor the elections at the constituency level. Where it involves reading of Manifestos, a representative of the candidate will do so on voting day at the constituency level.

Role of Journalism in the Development of Ghana.

As a trained Journalist who is interested in the contribution of journalism towards Ghana's development, I have been rummaging through books and other areas of intellectual discourse on this issue.

Also fortunate to have been taught at the Ghana Institute of Journalism (GIJ) by renowned Mass Communication experts and seasoned Journalists such as Kwaku Rockson- Acting Director, GIJ, Yaw Boadu- Ayeboafoh- former editor and now General Manager newspapers of Daily Graphic, Boakye-Dankwa Boadi- deputy editor Ghana News Agency (GNA)-Head Office, Isaac Newton- Former Director GIJ, Mr Fritz Andoh- editor Catholic Standard, and George Sarpong- Executive Director, National Media Commission (NMC); I have come to appreciate the role of journalism in national development.

The role of journalism entails a significant obligation and responsibility, the discharge of which requires journalist to have high ethical standards and to practice sound professional journalism with intelligence, accuracy, objectivity and fairness all aimed at developing people and subsequently nations. The media as whole is expected to be well-focussed on development issues, educating the public and entertaining instead of turning itself into an instrument of blackmail, intimidation, tyranny and an agent of confusion, conflicts, anarchy and chaos.

Although Chapter 12 Article 162 Clause 4 of the 1992 constitution states "Editors and publishers of newspapers and other institutions of mass media should not be subject to control or interference by Government nor shall they be penalized or harassed for their editorial opinions and views on the content of their publications", I am of the opinion that events elsewhere especially on the African continent should be a guiding principle to Ghanaian Journalists who prefer to be interested in reporting on divisive political issues, ethnicity and religious differences.

Every country has its Ethnic and Tribal values which Journalist must at all times respect. Article six of the Ghana Journalist Association Code of Conduct states 'A journalist should not originate material which encourages discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, colour, creed, gender or sexual orientation". Likewise the National Media Commission hand out on broadcasting standards states, "Broadcast programmes should avoid all indecency and incitement to ethnic, religious or sectional hatred and disaffection". There have been several instances elsewhere in which irresponsible journalism have brought wars, conflicts, confusion, chaos and anarchy instead of development.

In Rwanda, newspaper articles especially those of Hassan Ngeze of the 'Kangura' newspaper as well as inciting propaganda messages from 'Radio Mille Collins', a Hutu dominated Radio station led to the genocide in that country. The Nigerian civil war was sparked by 'Radio Bamenda' in Northern Cameroon after a broadcast that a Hausa/Fulani man had been killed at the Enugu Railway Station in Eastern Nigeria dominated by the Ibos. The Hausas in Northern Nigeria especially those in Kano then attacked 'Sabonjida' a suburb of Kano dominated by the Ibos

This brought mayhem and the consequence was the desertion of then Military Governor of Kano, Colonel Chumeka Odumegu Ojukwu from the Nigerian army to lead to lead a seceded Biafra.

Also in the same Nigeria a report from "This Day" newspaper filed by a female journalist by name Isioma Daniel which said Prophet Mohammed (SAW) would have chosen one of the ladies as wife after watching a Miss World Beauty Pageant which was to be staged in Nigeria resulted in Muslims rioting living about one hundred people dead.

In our own country some people have blamed the media for hyping the Dagbon conflicts as well as others like the Nanumba/Kokomba, Bawku and the Ga chieftaincy conflicts. The media has also been blamed for the rise of the political temperature in the country especially during periods of election as well as the numerous incidences of lawlessness and disrespect for authority. The perceived bad blood between some major ethnic groups in the country some say is being fuelled by the Ghanaian media. What about the cocaine issues being reported on daily basis especially when then previous government was in power?

The above examples should enable Ghanaian Journalist to consider properly the range of ethical values at stake and be in the best position to make the most appropriate personal decision having considered all the benefits and consequences. Every responsible Journalist should know that matters involving Chieftaincy, Land dispute, Religion and Ethnicity inflame passion. When it comes to these, emotions rather than reason take over.

As indicated earlier, a major role of journalism is to focus on development issues. The question we must ask ourselves today is whether journalism is doing this role in our country?

Ghanaian Journalists face the stiff challenge to change the sometimes-negative perception of Ghana. They must report enough and accurately about Ghana. Ghanaian Journalists have the challenge to report very extensively the good happenings and successes in the country. They must develop in themselves a sense of patriotism and pride in their Ghanaians, success stories and the many endeavours in national development.

I am not suggesting that bad things should not be reported. I am suggesting that in reporting on the bad things which is their duty to do, Ghanaian Journalist must exercise discretion on the material they report on in particular they must report on what is useful and relevant for the development and well being of their country and its people bearing in mind that the reporting of irrelevant and bad happenings for their own sake is damaging to the country's image and reputation and should therefore not get undue prominence.

It is the role of Ghanaian journalist to assist in restoring the lost confidence of people in the country by focusing on their achievements however small instead of their failures only and on good government polices to encourage strong leadership and good governance instead of blaming government leadership all the time for any failure.

Ghanaian Journalist have a duty to recognise the many transformations and economic reforms and successes and report them to give hope to Ghanaian people that it is possible to transform the country to great economic development and prosperity. They should also sensitise Ghanaians to change their mindsets from negative thinking to positive thinking- that they have the power to transform their lives and economy, instead of always thinking that they are unable and that they need to be help by foreigners.

Ghanaians especially the youth would like and need to emulate role models. Often the roles models they see, hear about and know are foreigners outside Ghana who have been made prominent by Journalists in Ghana. There are many role models in Ghana- in the field of Business, Science and Technology, Manufacturing and Commerce, Aviation, Sports and even Journalism but these are little known. At times Ghanaian Journalists are reluctant to recognise these role models and have treated them with indifference and even assisted in dismantling them.

It is my deep conviction that Ghanaian Journalist should pay tribute to those people who have been instrumental in creating achievements and in making good things happen. This will assist in creating role models to whom the youth and the many people aspiring to assist positively in their development of their nations can look forward to.

Journalist should use the power of the media positively to promote Ghanaian family and cultural values. They should help Ghanaians to see Ghana through their own eyes for the beauty is in the eyes of the beholder.

The Executive chairman, N and PP media of Tanzania, Reginald Mengi delivered a paper on the "Challenges of Journalism in Africa" at the CNN African Journalist of the year 2005 Awards in Nairobi Kenya. He noted, "Africa is fighting an Economic War. In this war African journalist have a big role to fulfil in supporting their nations and governments. In particular if journalists report objectively about the bad in a balanced way and reports more positively and assist in the exploitation of the good for a way forward, they would be fulfilling a big role in improving foreign investor perceptions"

He continued, "African media counter-reporting of foreign media's prejudiced and biased reporting on African is key to improving foreign investor perceptions whatever the leadership and good governance, whatever the structural reforms and economic growth, whatever political and social stability foreign investor perception will not change if the African journalists do not adequately , extensively, and prominently report on African success and achievements inputs to the international community, In this economic war, African journalists should make journalism a partner with and not an adversary of government leadership".

In Ghana, the voice of the rural poor are not mostly heard. A large population of people who live in rural areas cannot tell their stories because they are not reached by journalist. They are voiceless, it is the duty of journalist to go to the rural areas to collect information and to learn about the hard work being done there and the many successes of these hardworking people and to give sufficient coverage of these efforts and the problems they face.

People must adequately be informed about national disasters, campaigns against the spread of epidemics and currently HIV/AIDS, and wanton degradation of the environment. These issues are of global concern and cannot be dealt with effectively without the inducement of our currently un-informed majority who also happen to suffer the scourges the most.

The creation of a new Region out of Northern Region

A case for accelerated development and administrative efficiency.

The Northern Region of Ghana is the region that covers the largest piece of land in the country, covering an area of 70,384 sq.km out of Ghana's approximately 237.626sq. km. It is one of the regions that have the highest number of different ethnic groups with the major ones being Dagombas, Gonjas, Mamprusis, Nanmbas and Kokombas. Tamale the capital of the region has been found in a 1994 survey by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) to be the fastest growing town in West Africa. Notwithstanding this fact, the attention that Tamale gets is not enough to help different parts of the region to grow or develop.

Roads in many parts of the region are very bad and telecommunication, electricity, water, schools and other essential needs are inadequate. In fact many of the districts under the administration of Tamale suffer from neglect. This is borne out when one notices that by any available index of progress and development (education, health, roads etc) Gonjaland for instance comes out extremely poor.

The Director of the University of Ghana Centre for International Affairs (LECIA), Professor Kofi Kumado who proposed the creation of ten additional regions to facilitate efficient administration and reduce conflicts between majority and minority ethnic groups in some of the existing regions in the country at one of Golden Jubilee lectures also said that most of the current regions were too big to be administered by one Regional Minister and that the chunk of the resources allocated to the regions went to the Regional capitals and surrounding towns to the neglect of remote towns and villages.

The foremost justification that I therefore find in the call for the creation of a new region out of the present Northern Region is the limited attention given to the development needs of other parts of the region. Infrastructure development projects by central government such as roads, water and telecommunication network, primary health care and educational facilities in the other parts of the region appear not to have been given the kind of importance like Tamale.

For fear that we may end up like African French speaking countries, where only their capital towns are developed and rest of the people living under deplorable conditions, I suggest that the Northern Region be divided into at least two regions to speed up development at the grassroots level and further enhance the decentralization process so that each part will handle their problems.

The Northern part of Ghana is unique in many ways and would need a different approach, an accelerated development plan that would make it like other parts of the country. By doing this, we can make this part of the country attractive to people to settle as well as do business. The Northern Region lacks many things especially industrial and economic projects. It needs to be divided so that the limited resources, in the north will be effectively used.

Too many demands from different ethnic and pressure groups through the same regional office can sow seeds of discord which could result into ethnic disharmony. The uneven development or inequitable distribution of development projects in the Northern Region is one reason for ethnic groups antagonizing each other. Each ethnic group believes that some others are oppressing or sabotaging their development efforts.

I think that the Northern Region is too big to be controlled from Tamale; it is too big to be one administrative division. The reason some regional ministers in the past considered the region as ungovernable. It needs to be divided into two manageable regions in place of this one amorphous and unwieldy region.

If all the boundaries of Gonjaland alone for instance were retained or considered as a region, it would have been bigger than most administrative regions in Ghana. Even with the reduction as some parts are in the Brong-Ahafo region, Gonjaland and its six districts with a total of 36,783 sq. kms are still bigger than as many as eight (8) regions in the country. These regions are Ashanti (24,390.59 sq.kms), Western (22,096 sq.kms), Volta (20,570.59 sq. kms.), Upper West (18,476.59 sq. kms.), Upper East (8,818.59 sq.kms) and Greater Accra (4,540.59 sq.kms).

Undoubtedly, the argument that could follow the case of Gonjaland would be that of population. With a population of 440,976 in the Six districts of Gonjaland out of 1,820,806 for the Northern Region (as quoted by the 2000 Population and Housing Census), some people argue that Gonjaland has fewer people and that it may not be altogether feasible to grant a region based on its boundaries.

The Counter argument I wish to put accross is that Gonjaland's population (440,976) is just a little below the 576,583 quoted for the Upper West Region. Even if Nanumbaland's two districts; Nanumba North-Bimbilla and Nanumba South-Wulensi, with a population of 144,278 are added to Gonjaland the population of the proposed region will be 685,154 which far exceed the population of the Upper West Region and just a little below the Upper East Region with a population of 920,089.

Moreover, I find it difficult to understand why both the Upper East and West regions with an area in square kilometres of only 27.354 and a population of only 27,354 and a population of 1,496,672 is not a single region but Northern Region alone with an area in square kilometres of 70,384 and a population of 1,820,806 (324,134 more than the two Upper regions) remain undivided.

I am also of the conviction that population alone cannot and should not be the justification of not given serious consideration to the creation of a second region out of the present Northern Region. It is a well known fact that parts of the world such as Siberia in the Soviet Union, the Western Provinces of China, the Amazon in the Brazil, Alaska in the United States of America, self administration was granted to help accelerate development in these areas.

Have we stopped for a minute to ask why Gonjaland is least populated and why it is not attractive to many people? Of course, if the area has no future in terms of modern development, no one would be attracted to it.

This in itself is enough reason to grant a second region preferably based on the geographical boundaries of this vast area of land. One thing that needs to be made crystal clear is that the proposed new region based on Gonjaland will have all the requisite qualities for the sustenance of a viable region.

Farming the main source if livelihood for Ghanaians could potentially prove a strong backbone for the economic development of the new region since the natural vegetation is predominantly guinea savannah. It would also be a bread basket of the country as far as the production of food and cash crops such as maize, yam, millet, sheanut, cashew, cotton and others are concerned. Livestock animals such as cattle, sheep and goats can be reared in large quantities.

The new region may also boast of lands with mineral deposits. The Barite at Daboya, Brine deposits at river bed of the White Volta and Gold at Bombir, Bauxite at Digma, Diamond at Fimbu, (West Gonja), Gold at Dakurpe and Tinga (Bole), Limestine at Buipe (Central Gonja), Gold at can be tapped for the socio-economic development of the area and the country as a whole.

The Black Volta, White Volta River Oti and Daka are major rivers in Gonjaland. Fishing could therefore be boosted by applying the requisite methds. The potential of Buipe for fuel and Hydro power are very clear. The Bui Hydro Electric Dam which is under construction is located between Gonjaland and the Brong Ahafo.

Many of the most important tourist’s sites in the country are found here. Mention can be made of the Game Reserve at Mole, the Ancient Mosque and Mystic Stone at Larabanga (West Gonja), Ndewura Jakpa's Tomp at Old Buipe (Central Gonja), the Slave Market and Wells at Salaga (West Gonja), as well as the Hippopotamus Sanctuary at Ntereso and Royal Mausoleum for Gonja Kings at Mankuma (Bole).

This proposal I urge, should not be made by only people living in the Northern Region or people of northern descent like me, but a national proposal for national development and integration. I believe that breaking the region into two would allow for more creativity, innovation, effective administration and growth for the people of this very big region. While creating a new administrative region would not immediately remove all the problems of the Northen Region, it would nevertheless create an opportunity for an effective management of the problems through effective decentralization.

Perhaps it would be useful for those who argue against the creation of a new region to pause a while to reflect on the reasons why the then Upper Region clamoured for the partitioning of the region into what is now known as the Upper East and West Regions, even though as explained earlier on, that region was much smaller in terms o both size and population if compared to the Northern Region. The Northern region has nothing to lose by having another region but a lot to gain.

It is noteworthy that during the 2005 parliamentary vetting of ministerial nominees, John Mahama then Member of Parliament for Bole-Bamboi asked Hon. Ernest Akubuo Debrah and Boniface Abubakari Sadique who were the outgoing and incoming Northern Regional Ministers respectively about their opinion on this topic. Both nominees were unequivocal on the enormity of the daunting administrative challenges that the sheer size of the region poses to effective governance.

It was quite significant that John Mahama was the one asking the questions because as a key member of the NDC administration and presently the Vice- President of Ghana, his interest in the subject may have been motivated by his party's position on the matter or at the very least by his own convictions on the subject. At any rate it gives an indication of the fact that there would be support from both the majority and minority for any proposal on the floor of parliament to partition the Northern Region into two or more administrative regions. Such a bi-partisan support or the idea will clear the cobwebs out of minds of people that the ruling government has an interest in the whole issue. Governors, Secretaries, and Ministers since independence had at a time voiced out the daunting task of administering the Northern Region.

Some of these personalities (many deceased) were Alahji Hudu Yahaya, Col. Abdulai Ibrahim, Alhaji B A Fusheini, Col. Iddisah, Alhaji Seidu Iddi, Ben Bukari Salifu, Adam Kaleem, Charles Bintim, Alhaji Haruna, Edward Bawa, Ernest Akuoba Debrah, Boniface Abubakari Sadique and Mustapha Ali Idriss.

By carving out another region from the current one, it will significantly help to reduce the mass exodus of our youth to cities like Accra, Kumasi and others in search of the so called greener pastures. A close look at the phenomenon of "kayayo's" or "Head Porters" in Accra and Kumasi will make a disturbing revelation. It would be realized that about 85% of these "kayayo's" are specifically from the Northern Region.

Even though this situation can be blamed on the northern conflicts and the rather sometimes volatile situations in some parts of the region, the bulk of it emanates from the neglect most areas have suffered due to the size of the area. This situation taunts the image of the country given the deplorable situation these youngsters who are mostly females live in. It does not auger well for our efforts at attracting tourists into our country.

This is especially true given that these people live and sleep under verandas and at the entrances of shops and other public places in our cities with the concomitant problems.

Going by the dictated of the local Government Act 462, the conditions for the creation of another region out of the current one have fully been met. For instance and once again if we look at the demographics of the region, it can conveniently be classed as the fourth highest in Ghana. With a population of about 1,820,806 people (2000 population and housing census), the Northern Region is home to about 10.1% of the Ghanaian population next only to the Ashanti, Greater Accra and Eastern regions. In fact holding all parameters constant, the northern region is more qualified to be divided in to two. Take the Upper Regions as an example. The population figures for both regions do not sum up to the population of the Northern Region and yet they are separate regions.

In terms of size the Northern Region is by far the largest in Ghana. It is about five times the size of Upper East; two times the size of Ashanti and God knows how many regions of the size of the Greater Accra can be carved out of Northern Region.

Article 5 Section 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana states inter alia "If the President upon a petition being presented to him and on the advice of the Council of State is satisfied that there is a substantial need for:

a. The creation of a new region,

b. The alteration of the boundaries of a region, whether or not the alteration involves the creation of a new region; or

c. The merger of any two or more regions, he shall, acting in accordance with the advice of the Council of State, appoint a Commission of Inquiry to enquire into the demand and to make recommendations on all the factors involved in the creation, alteration or merger"

The fact that the Gonjaland Youth Association has presented more than one petition to the seat of Government for the creation of a new region out of the Northern Region should not be seen as an ethnic group asking for a region. It is a truism that without the tacit support of other ethnic groups in the Northern Region, such a request would be a mirage. Constitutionally, a referendum is to be held in a region before it is divided. An issue on the creation of a new region out of another shall not be taken to be determined, unless at least fifty percent of the persons entitled to vote cast their votes at the referendum and of the votes cast at least eighty percent were cast in favour of the issue. The Gonjaland Youth Association has therefore taken into consideration all the legal and constitutional provisions that guide the creation of new regions.

The Gonjaland Youth Association is an association for all tribes on Gonjaland. There is no Gonja Youth Association. The Association takes care of the Vaglas, Safalbas, Brifors, Lobis, Hanga, Tampulmas, Mmara, Bartige, Mos, Pantra, Mibor, Norme, Nawuri and Nchumurus. The list does not include people from other parts of the region or country coming to work or settled farmers in Gonjaland. These are people who have been part of this land for centuries.

It would obviously be in the interest of Northerners that the re-demarcation being proposed is done with the least resort to civil strife and any form of conflict. The best way to guarantee this in my view is to ensure that pre-existing ethnic and traditional allegiances are maintained. If for instance Nanumbaland is combined with Gonjaland to form a new region the Yagbonwura and Bimbilla Naa should become the two paramount chiefs with each maintaining their distinct traditions, culture and chieftaincy issues.

The creation of a new region along some specific lines would ensure peace among the traditional authorities and also make for the creation of additional regional houses of chiefs to increase participatory traditional administration in the area.

Administratively, Tamale represents the northern and reactions from Tamale unfortunately are interpreted as reactions from the people from the north. Sometimes more than half of the region is accused of an unfortunate situation that they are unaware. An instance is when a lecturer at the Ghana Institute of Journalism, where I underwent a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Mass Communication Studies asked me to brief him on everything about the unfortunate Dagbon Conflict since I was a Northerner. Some people believe all ethnic groups in Northern Region are involved in the Dagbon conflict.

I became confused because coming from the western part of the Northern region, precisely Bole District where the conflict has an almost zero effect on, I do not have many facts on why the conflict, which faction is right or wrong and how it can be resolved.

I have studied the geographical map of Northern Region and has realized that whether the region is divided vertically or horizontally, there is land owned by different ethnic groups coming together to form the proposed region, Dagombas and Mamprusis will be on one side while Gonjas and Nanumbas will be on the other should the Northern Region be divided horizontally. This means that apart from the ethnic groups mentioned as being part of Gonjaland we shall also have Nanumbas as another majority ethnic group in the proposed region.

Moreover, since there are four Kings in the Northern Region: Ya-na for Dagombas, Na-yiri for Mamprusis, Yagbonwura for Gonjas and Bimbilla-Na for Nanumbas, I propose that there should be two Kings in each of the regions. Dagomba and Mamprusi on one side and Gonja and Nanumbas on the other. I also think the horizontal division would be better because the capital of the proposed region would not be a town of an ethnic group that already has a capital town.

I am aware that some traditional rulers in the region as well as prominent figures and politicians have added their voices to this clarion call. A case in point when the King of the Gonja traditional Area (Yagbonwura Bawa Doshi) paid a courtesy call on his Excellency President a couple of years ago and ha done same for the present President, to make appeals for the carving out of another region from the Northern. If this is anything to go by then all efforts must be made to transform this into actuality. And the call for the capital of the region which some people proposed be called 'Savannah' to be at Buipe (capital of Central Gonja District) in my opinion is very appropriate. This is in view of the volume of economic activities taking place in this town as well as its potential to develop into a Municipality. The strategic position of the town also adds to its advantages.

I hope that for the sake of unity, even development and equitable distribution of resources, this suggestion would take a national dimension and looked into.

Okudzeto's NUGS Presidency: What really happened?

Ever since Samuel Okudzeto was appointed deputy Minister designate for Information (in fact the youngest in the history of the 4th Republic). I have been inundated with calls within and outside Ghana inquiring about the role he actually played in the problems of the National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS) in the 2005-2006 academic year. This might be because the two of us were at the centre of the brouhaha that NUGS had to grapple with.

I have explained to many people that Okudzeto was not actually involved in any criminal act, scandal or fraud when he was NUGS President to warrant his disqualification as a deputy minister. I also describe Okudzeto as a hot headed person who would fight for a cause he believed in notwithstanding what people may think about him or its consequences. Somebody was surprised when I told I had sent a congratulatory message to Okudzeto on his appointment as deputy Minister.

The story of the 2005-2006 NUGS which I believe will refresh the minds of people as to what happened goes as follows:

At the end of the election, the following were elected and sworn in as National Executive of NUGS:

Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa; President (University of Ghana-Legon).

Mahama Haruna; General Secretary (Ghana Institute of Journalism).

Thomas Arthur; Treasurer (Institute of Professional Studies).

Cynthia Opoku; Co-ordinating Secretary (University of Ghana- Accra City Campus).

Kwame Amponfi Jnr.; Education and Democratisation Secretary (University of Education- Winneba).

Sam Sika Obrempon Adjei Fordjour; International Relations Secretary (Central University College-Accra).

Selorm Amevor; Press and Information Secretary (Ghana Institute of Journalism).

Thomson Rexmond Kotey; Financial Controller (Institute of Professional Studies).

Victoria L. Hamah; Womens Commissioner (University of Ghana- Legon).

These were arguably the finest brains and student activists from the various campuses in the country. As an executive we started very well. We clearly stated we were going to represent the interest and aspirations of Ghanaian students but not political parties and individuals as well as other concerned stakeholders. We said NUGS had carved an unenviable image of not taking centre stage in not only education issues but also the broader picture of the national development agenda.

An issue that nearly marred our relationship with government and stakeholders and also made people sceptical about out regime was a statement made by the President at the handing over ceremony of our year. During his inaugural speech he was emphatic in stating his dislike for dialogue as a means of addressing grievances and concerns and indeed served notice of his agenda to employ demonstrations and confrontation in his dealings with government. This was in contrast to the stance of most of the executive that NUGS resort to dialogue and consensus building in dealing with government since demonstrations and confrontation was no longer fashionable.

Right from day one, the problem was about the policy direction of NUGS. While the President believed in a militant and radical approach to dealing with government and stakeholders, the other executive believed in dialoguing and consensus building with demonstrations and confrontation as a last resort.

Another setback was when the Ghana Union of Professional Students (GUPS), the largest bloc under NUGS threatened to break away. The reason being that they have always been marginalised by the leadership of NUGS.. Their President Ransford Addo was not acknowledged by the NUGS President during his speech.

One particular action that made NUGS to get national attention at this period was a hunger strike the executives embarked upon to back an appeal to government and all stakeholders for support, after it was ejected from its offices by the Civil Servants Association of Ghana. Later alumni Fafa Dogoe gave NUGS a temporal accommodation at his office.

Before this incident would settle, NUGS issued a disclaimer to the effect that it was not aware of the donation of an 18 seater Toyota Hiace bus by the Vice-Chancellors of Ghana. Abu Forgor the out gone President who initiated the appeal for a bus received the bus on behalf of NUGS. Okudezo actually labelled forgor a masquerade. This infuriated Forgor and he vowed to make Okudzeto's regime ungovernable. He had a large following from the student’s front. He actually explained that he did not have any intentions whatsoever to take possession of the bus but hand it over after taking delivery.

Our problems actually started with the issue of the Representation of Peoples (Amendment) Bill (ROPAB). The President Okudzeto granted an interview to Radio Gold and intimated that NUGS was opposed to the Bill which would have given Ghanaians abroad the right to vote in the countries they are domiciled This comment generated a great furore in the students front because many were in the view NUGS should taken a neutral stance.

The bloc heads of NUGS comprising the Ghana Union of Professional Students (GUPS), University Students Association of Ghana (USAG), Teacher Trainees Association of Ghana (TTAG) and the Graduate Students Association of Ghana expressed their disaffection and took on the NUGS President for taking a stance on a very sensitive political issue when it had not been deliberated upon by the Central Committee (CC) and saw that as a recipe for confusion. They also stated clearly they were losing patience with the dictatorial manner in which Okudzeto was running NUGS.

The bloc heads went ahead to complain about attempts by politicians to infiltrate the ranks of the Ghanaian student movement and hence an unfortunate demonstration by some faceless students at the parliament house during the reading of the ROPAB. They appealed to all students not to kowtow to the bidding and incitement by any political group to either accept or reject the bill until NUGS comes out with its position

There were concerns from other groups that the comments made by Okudzeto were not inconsistent with the stance of NUGS since the Kenneth Abotsi (2003-2004) regime had called upon parliament to suspend the amendment of the Representation of Peoples Act until broad consultations were held with stakeholders and as well said the Electoral Commission did not have the capacity to carry out such an exercise in view of the challenges facing it.

Another group calling itself Concerned Tertiary Students of Ghana (COTSG) also chided the NUGS President for his trite comments on ROPAB. In a statement issued by Okoe Boye Bernard the leader they noted that the comments of Okudzeto suggested he was allowing his emotions to take the better part of him. According to the group Okudzeto was subsuming student’s interest for his personal politics and prepare the ground for his political ambitions.

In the midst of these controversies I had no alternative than to do something. I organised a press conference in an individual capacity and put the records straight. I made it clear that not until the Central Committee of NUGS meets to take a decision on the ROPAB, the position taken by any single student or group of students was without authority, misleading, and an affront to the Central Committee and intended to pre-empt and pre-judice the decision the Central Committee may come up with. I also said that all actions by students were misplaced, unwarranted, uncalled for and unconstitutional. I had come to the realisation that NUGS had allowed itself to be misused by cheap propagandist politicians and so urged Ghanaian students to remain calm and also have confidence in their leadership.

Some alumni intervened and this problem was resolved amicably. Okudzeto promised Ghanaian students not to repeat any such mistakes and also promised to follow laid down procedure through the structures of NUGS before coming up to speak for the Union. The second problem had to do with the University of Ghana-Legon- Student Representative Council (SRC) elections. The office of the Dean of students issued a statement that Lord Hamah who was on the verge of winning the run-off elections of the University had committed examination malpractice and therefore could not occupy any student office. This decision was upheld by the SRC Judicial Committee and the SRC Electoral Commission.

My position on this development was that Lord Hamah should have been disqualified in the first round by the school authorities but not wait till he was in the second round. However shortly after this decision Okudzeto unilaterally issued a statement that NUGS had given its immediate, total and unconditional support to the various sections calling for mass protests and demonstrations on Legon Campus and encouraged more students to join until order was restored. Seven out of ten NUGS executive had to come out to inform students that the decision was taken by only the President and that there was no meeting to discuss the issue let alone issue a statement.

The development on Legon campus took a dramatic turn when the SRC of the the University of Ghana served the NUGS secretariat a letter that it had seceded from NUGS after an emergency General Assembly meeting. The SRC accused NUGS of arrogance, an unchallenged level of disrespect for official structures and basic rules guiding the University of Ghana's affairs. They also stated that "The sovereignty of SRC-Legon, has time without number not been daily observed by NUGS. The ultimate being the public statement issued by NUGS, threatening and actually interfering in the work of the Independent Electoral Commission of SRC-Legon and the SRC Court of Justice"

This was unprecedented and so NUGS summoned a National Executive Committee which sees to the effective operation of the National Secretariat. At the meeting members made to clear to Okudzeto that he had erred in issuing the statement on a NUGS letter head. A motion was passed for him not to chair the meeting since the issue to be discussed was about him. A resolution was then passed that Okudzeto and Victoria Hammah should 'Step Aside' as NUGS executive since the University of Ghana had seceded making them have no locus.

The NEC in accordance to the NUGS constitution also mandated me act in the capacity as President until an emergency Central Committee meeting (made up of representatives from all campuses) was convened to decide the fate of the officers concerned. A five member committee was also constituted to critically look into the issue of Legon. The committee had five days within which to complete its work and present a report. All these decisions were taken in the presence of Okudzeto.

But before the committee would even start work and a few minutes after the meeting, Okudzeto went on air to announce that there was a coup d' tat at the NUGS secretariat. He further muddied the waters by organising an illegal and unconstitutional Central Committee meeting at the Accra Teacher Training College purporting to remove me and Cynthia Opoku Manu from office. There was no quorum and some affiliates or cronies from Common Wealth Hall-Legon and 'wee' infested muscle men from Nima were planted as Central Committee members.

Also at all meetings of the Central Committee, the President, Secretary, any two national officers, one member, at least of eight Institutions was to be represented to form a quorum. I was not present and neither seven other executive nor bloc heads. Before we could re-act GUPS disassociated itself from the meeting with the reason that none of its member Institutions was invited.

Later a properly constituted Central Committee meeting was organised by the NEC. It was attended by almost all Institutions in Ghana, Seven executives and all NEC members. A resolution was passed to dismiss the President, the Women’s Commissioner and the Press and Information Secretary. The meeting also mandated me to act as President and as well expressed the hope that, the decision would bring back the University of Ghana into the fold of NUGS and also bring to a halt the wrangling that had engulfed NUGS.

Getting to the end of our regime, a Steering Committee under the chairmanship of NUGS Treasurer, Thomas Arthur was formed to conduct elections for the 2006-2007 year group to take over. There was confusion as to which faction could organise Congress. Notwithstanding all these problems, our regime did a lot for NUGS. Space will not allow me enumerate these achievements.

There was actually a political angle to all the problems of NUGS for our year. Some people believe we were just appendages of political parties but we all denied. We also believed whatever we were doing was in the interest of Ghanaian Students. It is just sheer co-incidence that today Okudzeto Ablakwa has been appointed an NDC deputy minister for Information and I Mahama Haruna vying for the position National Youth Organizer of NPP. In fact a friend called me recently and told me that the assertion that we were working for political parties has been corroborated by our present political stance.